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Agnapostate
2nd May 2010, 16:17
What specific rhetorical strategies do you look to in order to promote socialism and your own tendency ideology? Listing a few of my own:

I strongly avoid the usage of the phrases “in a [blank] society” or “socialism would do [blank],” since that causes conceptualization of socialism as distant and ethereal, in turn causing accusations of utopianism, promotion of an unrealistic garden of Eden that is “wonderful in theory, and horrible in practice.” Instead, I use active verbs in descriptions of socialism and communism. I also take care to avoid excessively utopian predictions, paying heed to a comment of Stephen Cullenberg’s:


Socialism has long been identified not only with an end to economic exploitation, exclusion, and alienation but also with the end of business cycles, the eradication of poverty, ecological sustainability, and the abolishment of racial, gender, and sexual oppression. This socialist imaginary has placed impossibly heavy burdens on socialist projects everywhere. Socialism’s burden has been that not too little but too much has been asked of if. No economic system can guarantee such a myriad of beneficial outcomes.

So the result is the elimination of this:

“In a socialist society, people would be rewarded based on how hard they worked, and no one would ever go hungry.”

Versus:

“Socialism ensures remuneration based on work effort.”

Emphasis on the nature of transition to socialism should change according to the political conditions of the given country or region, since an electoral referendum could theoretically accomplish the aim that a violent revolution does elsewhere. In politically stable first world countries, socialism must be a “program,” a “platform.” Electoral approval of nationalization and syndicalist policy is the means of instituting such a platform in, say, social democratic countries.

“Socialism merely allocates according to actual supply and demand criteria and ends the theft of the product of labor from workers. If such a program was in place, we would see more desirable results. I’m behind the socialist platform.”

In politically unstable third or fourth world countries subject to frequent regime change, civil war, regional conflicts, and extreme poverty, emphasis on utopianism is no longer so critical, since violent revolution is a feasible possibility. In these cases, socialism must be a revolutionary aim, the transformation into a “new world” for the workers. We still must remember the danger of placing impossibly high burdens on socialism, but this is where the radical nature of socialism can be emphasized, since this is where political instability facilitates the ease of sudden and violent transition to different political systems.

“Socialism means that the workers will come into their own, that the capitalist tyrants and despot profiteers that oppressed the working class will be vanquished and their power restored to its rightful owners, and that this country will enter a new golden age!”

Also, among my favorite tactics is that of “rhetoric theft.” I’ve written that “capitalism is an economic system characterized by profoundly authoritarian and inefficient central planning, which entails massive state intervention, the destruction of competitive market enterprise, and rigid dictatorial power structures.” Clearly, this is a condemnation that could be a standard anti-socialist line with the replacement of one word, but capitalism is reliant on state intervention for macroeconomic stabilization purposes, is characterized by monopolistic and oligopolistic concentration in many sectors, and gives rise to an authoritarian labor market and firm structure that would be condemned as that of a dictatorship if it was that of a state. The description therefore fits perfectly.

It’s also important to emphasize the meritocratic nature of socialism and communism compared to the materialistic nature of capitalism, since this is a rhetorical appeal to rightist ethical worldviews about the immorality of rewards to those that do not work, and the erosion of individual responsibility and self-reliance that this causes.

Socialism and communism are based on maximum effort extraction through remuneration based on work effort and work assignments based on individual abilities, whereas capitalism is reliant on remuneration based on the marginal revenue product produced by the combination of one’s labor and one’s capital (including financial capital), regardless of how it was obtained. This means that a person who inherited machinery, construction materials, and a substantial personal fortune, can easily be idle, while the hard-working who were not fortunate enough to come into such an inheritance toil without adequate compensation. That undercuts individual responsibility and self-reliance, since those who work hard are not rewarded and those that do not work hard are “rewarded,” which is a fundamental challenge to the rightist moral outlook. When that is combined with empirical research that validates the idea of inheritance playing the greatest role in wealth accumulation (http://www.jstor.org/pss/1833031), the foundations of the rightist perspective on the capitalist economy are torn asunder.

Do you use any of these approaches? What others would you advocate that fall into this category?

mikelepore
6th May 2010, 09:50
“Socialism ensures remuneration based on work effort.”

I don't see how that can be ensured. When the people have collective ownership and democratic control of the industries, that's socialism. The people will have the power to make the policies that they want. You and I *recommend* that the people will use that power to adopt a method of remuneration based on work effort.

Agnapostate
14th May 2010, 05:13
I don't see how that can be ensured. When the people have collective ownership and democratic control of the industries, that's socialism. The people will have the power to make the policies that they want. You and I *recommend* that the people will use that power to adopt a method of remuneration based on work effort.

I have an idea that the socialist economy will function to eliminate the negativities of the capitalist economy, which requires more than simply a structure that permits such action. I assume that there won't be a democratic vote to perpetuate surplus value extraction, for example. I also assume that work effort will be a factor considered in remunerative policy, since the fact that the capitalist economy does not reward and punish the diligent and slothful, respectively, is one of its major weaknesses.

anticap
14th May 2010, 09:51
I feel like we're giving away secrets to the enemy, but anyway...

I always say "under <bad system>..." but never "under <good system>..."; instead, for the latter I'll say "in <good system>...." This way, <bad system> is portrayed as being imposed from above; whereas <good system> is portrayed as being composed of active and willing participants.

Now that you mention it, I probably do tend to use future tense (e.g., "in communist society, every child will have a pony"). You make a good point about using present tense. I guess I never thought about it because, well, we still live under <bad system>.

Agnapostate
14th May 2010, 19:02
I've noticed the "under/in" dichotomy too, especially among anarchists.

I don't really see this as much different than teaching communication skills; they're not really intended to be top-secret indoctrination techniques. If we tried to conceal them, that would look like an attempt to deceive the public.

automattick
27th May 2010, 06:44
“Communism is for us not a state of affairs which is to be established, an ideal to which reality [will] have to adjust itself. We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things. The conditions of this movement result from the premises now in existence."


- Marx-Engels, "Communist Manifesto"


If we take this to be a starting point as communists, then we can only define absence, not assert socialism in any positive attributes. A socialist society must overcome many things, the hardest being the law of value, which thus far no so-called socialist society currently has or had, only for brief moments (Russia 1917, Spain 1935...).

Agnapostate
27th May 2010, 17:38
I don't, not that I think your recommendation even flows from that.

automattick
28th May 2010, 04:20
As a communist I do. Marxism is critical analysis, not a blueprint for a new society. And yes, my recommendation does extend from Marx's observation.

When one begins to immediately engage in positively-defining the future, one finds himself running down a very slippery slope indeed. This is easy and fair game for reactionaries, who will simply take your words and ask you to define your program in detail.

As communists we can critique conditions today and in the past and with a degree of certitude, where it will all be going in the future if unchecked, but pretending to be architects shouldn't be our business.

Agnapostate
28th May 2010, 06:07
The simplicity of destruction is dwarfed by the complexity of creation. I'm not sure why there's a Leninist presumption to lay monopoly to the claims "socialist" or "communist" (to say nothing of "Marxist"), when anarchism is a pre-Marxist form of socialism. I'm quite aware that Marx was first and foremost an anti-capitalist and said little of socialism and less of communism. But he does not define an entire literature.

automattick
2nd June 2010, 01:33
The simplicity of destruction is dwarfed by the complexity of creation.

Destruction of...? Destruction implies the new, and there is lots of creativity which unfortunately gets bound up in the theory of value, which is why I think the regimes of the Bolsheviks and more or less those of the so-called "socialist" republics were doomed attempts to create communism when the dominant social relation in the world was still capitalism--though I'm off of the school which views Bolshevism as the "left of capital." So again, we shouldn't be soothsayers simply because capitalism is bad, but through rigorous analytical work and critique, to say what is wrong and then answer it with revolution. We know what has to go, we know the contours of the future, just not the entire project of what lay ahead.


I'm not sure why there's a Leninist presumption to lay monopoly to the claims "socialist" or "communist" (to say nothing of "Marxist"), when anarchism is a pre-Marxist form of socialism.

I'm not sure either, though if that comment was to imply my own political belief you've got me pegged wrong; I'm a left communist. I can appreciate anarchism, I just may not agree with your analysis completely, but I think on the subject of spontaneism I'm more partial to anarchism than I am of Leninsm or its monstrous deviations.


I'm quite aware that Marx was first and foremost an anti-capitalist and said little of socialism and less of communism. But he does not define an entire literature.

You're quite right. But he was the most thorough and wide-ranging in terms of the topics he covered and his dialectical method. That doesn't mean that I reject anarchism, I just have disagreements with it here and there.

Jazzhands
2nd June 2010, 22:31
Doesn't this thread belong in strategy if we're talking about strategy? :blink:

Zanthorus
6th June 2010, 15:32
I'm quite aware that Marx was first and foremost an anti-capitalist and said little of socialism and less of communism.

If you think that then you've completely misunderstood Marx's critique of political economy. The whole use-value/exchange-value distinction is about showing that the potential for communism lies beneath the surface of capitalism. Capitalism is a fetishised form of society whose categories distort human productive activity. When you throw off the fetishised forms you're left with production for use not profit. Bordiga once said that the entirety of Marx's work was a description of communism. I would tend to agree with that analysis.

Agnapostate
15th June 2010, 22:21
Back to the topic, I've suspected that it would be more productive to abandon reference to opposition to private property, since the vast majority of people don't understand the distinction between private and possessive property, and socialists' support of possessive property rights and defense of labor is ultimately an intensification of property rights. We'd have to explicitly refer to oligarchic control of the means of production.

Stephen Colbert
16th June 2010, 06:57
And you can also refer to what Chomsky calls Corporate autocracy, that being, unlimited control at the top of a business, which answers to no one and can get away with tons of shenanigans. Oh and also opening discussion on what a "free" market entails and why the "democracy of the marketplace" and competition in the economy are not what they seem at face value.