sunfarstar
26th April 2010, 08:08
I AM READ HIS BOOK.VERY FUN!,YOU CAN READ IT TOO.
ABOUT HIM:HE IN CHINA SHENGZHENG OF SPEECH.
Professor Vincent Mosco，现为加拿大皇后大学社会学系教授、加拿大政府卓越学者计划之“传播与社会研究卓越学者”，哈佛 社会学博士，传播政治经济学重量级知名学者，至今已出版个人学术专著五本，合作编写八本，发表论文上百篇， 其《传播政治经济学－再思考与再更新》一书为传播政治经济学界的经典之作。研究领域为传播与信息科技社会、 媒体政治经济学、知识劳动者社会学、传播政策等。
文森特.莫斯可教授讲座录音材料
吴院长介绍：在座的研究生都知道考进来要经历莫斯可先生这本“传播政治经济学”的洗礼。所以大家都是抱着一 种非常激动的心情，现在终于莫斯可教授从大洋彼岸能够到我们东方来，这次刚好非常荣幸，我们特别地请香港的 浸会大学传理学院帮我们联系，所以呢莫斯可教授很欣然地乐意到我们深圳大学传播学院来给大家做一个讲座。莫 斯可教授应该说在传播政治经济学的研究，教学，教育方面非常有影响，在国际上非常有影响。他今天会特别详细 地给我们讲这个学科的发展，它的一些关键问题，当然他今天是用英文来讲，用英文来讲可能对于部分同学听的时 候会有一点困难，好在事先呢会有这样一个文本发给大家。如果这个过程当中，理解上还有一些问题的话，如果要 提问的话可以用中文提问，到时我们的老师啊还有英文比较好的同学可以帮忙翻译一下，到时候交流的时候可以这 样。那么好，我们就以热烈的掌声欢迎莫斯可教授。
Vincent Moscow:
Thank you very much, Doctor Wu, pleasure to be here and thank you for having me here to have for …help me so very much to come here, find my way here today, it’s a pleasure and an honor to speak to you today. Thank you very much.
I’m going to be speaking on a subject that I have been working on for many years, the political economy of Communication. I mentioned that these years, a ten year retrospective, my book on this subject was published in English in 1996, so it has been ten years. I am about to write a new version of the book which I look to complete by the end of 2007. It has been ten years and too long, so I need to talk about all the work that has been done over the last decade in the fields to make revisions and updating. But I’m going to speak to you today about the essential dimensions of a political economy approach. I wish I could speak to you in Chinese, but I am afraid that your English is much better than my Chinese would be, so I appreciate your indulgence as I speak English to you today, it may be that you will not understand everything I have to say. Political economy can be a complex subject, I will try to be as basic I can be as to help you to understand a political economy perspective, I can promise you this: I have a gift for you at the end of my talk. If you stay with me throughout this talk, by the end of my talk, I will tell you the secret of life.
首先非常感谢吴院长邀请我到深圳大学进行讲座，并对我此行给予了很多帮助，我感到十分荣幸能来这里与大家交 流。再次表示感谢！
下面我将要进行演讲的题目是一个我从事多年的领域，那就是传播政治经济学。关于这个领域，我在1996年出 版过一本英文著作。回溯过去，到今天已经将近十年，对此书我想写一个新版并希望到2007年底完成。是啊， 十年弹指一挥间！我需要在修订版的书中对这个领域过去十年里所完成的成果进行更新。但是今天我要跟大家谈的 是政治经济学领域的最重要的几个方面。我很想用中文与各位交流，不过恐怕大家的英语比我的中文要好很多，所 以请允许我今天用英语进行讲座。 也许你们不能理解我谈的每一个问题。政治经济学本身就是一个复杂的主题，我会尽量分享一些基本性的知识以帮 助大家了解政治经济学的远景。 我可以向诸位承诺: 在讲座结束时我会送大家一个礼物,如果你耐心听完这个讲座,那么在讲座结束时, 我将告诉你生命的奥秘。
So you stay with me through this talk, so by the end, you will know the secret of life, but not till the end. I’m going to take the first part of my talk to describe traditional political economy approaches to communication, so I will give you a definition--- what is it, some characteristics and describe some of the different schools or thought, different approaches to political economy. And then I will talk how communication scholars have used political economy as the first part. In the second part, I will talk about how I have in the sense reinvented political economy. That’s my rethinking of the field, when I said out to write my book in 1990, I thought it would take me six months to one year, I realize that the time however that one could not simply write the description of how people have used political economy because all descriptions of disciplines are contested. There are many different ways of thinking about the discipline, so I am not only had to provide a map of the discipline, I have to remap it. So instead of one year, it took five years. I hope it was worth it. I hope this time it will only take one year. In the second half of my talk then, I will describe how I rethink political economy provided with a new foundation, describe its philosophy and the approach I take and describe why I take, then I will tell you the secret of life.
如果大家跟随我的思路，从头到尾听完讲座的话,那么到讲座结束时,你就会知道生命的奥秘，而不是到生命结束 时才明白。下面我讲的第一部分是介绍传播领域中的传统政治经济学， 所以我会给出一个定义—政治经济学是什么,它有些什么特点，并介绍一些不同的学派和思潮，政治经济学的各种 研究方法。在第一部分我还将谈谈传播学者是如何运用政治经济学的。在第二部分，我将谈一下我是如何理智地进 行了政治经济学的重新构建。这些就是我对这个领域的一个反思,当我说在1990年说要写这本书时，我以为要 花半年至一年时间, 然而那时我意识到不能仅仅简单说明人们是如何应用政治经济学的，因为所有对政治经济学科的叙述 都存在争议。 对这个学科有许多不同的思考方式， 所以我不仅要提供一个这个学科的现有版图,我还要重新规划这个蓝图。所以此书不是历时一年,而是用了五年时 间，我希望这是值得的。 而这次修订我希望只需一年。 在讲座的后半部分，我将在新的基础上对政治经济学进行反思, 并阐述政治经济学的哲学理念及我所从事的研究方法,还有我为什么采用这种方法，然后我会告诉你生命的奥秘. 。
So let’s begin, we begin at the beginning with the definition----what’s political economy. Political economy is the study of the social relations, particularly the power relations, and this is on power, that mutually constitutes the production, the distribution and the exchange of resources. In our field, those are communication resources. So we study how power is involved in producing, distributing and exchanging communication, that is the most specific definition. If you are familiar with my book, you know that I offer two definitions: one specific and one general. When political economy began in the west in the 1700, 1800, 1900 centuries, it was a more general discipline, in fact political economy was considered the basis of all social studies. Political economy began as the master discipline and the definition that applied at that time was much more general, so I have first described in very specific terms, the production, distribution and exchange of resources. One can also say political economy as the study of control and survival in social life. Very well, I offer you two definitions because no one definition can absolutely describe an approach, so I give you two, a specific one that has a certain value, and a more general one that also has its value. I must say that the second definition----the study of control which is more political, and survival which is more economic. It relies from the work of arguably the first major political economist of communication.
言归正转，我们从定义入手----什么是政治经济学。政治经济学是研究社会关系的科学，特别是权力关系，正是它们共同构建了资源的生产，分配 和交换。在我们的研究领域，资源是指传播资源。因此我们研究权力是如何参与传播资源的生产，分配和交换的， 这是最具体的定义。如果你们熟悉我的书，你们知道我给出了两种定义：一种是具体的，另一种是概括的。当政治 经济学在17，18，19世纪在西方开始时，它是一个更为综合的学科，那时政治经济学被认为是所有社会研究 的基础。政治经济学开始时是一门主要学科，那时它的定义比现在更为概括，所以我首先用非常具体的术语来定义 它为：资源的生产，分配和交换。我们也可以更为概括地说政治经济学是对社会生活中的控制与生存进行的研究。 我给了大家两个定义，因为没有任何一个定义可以绝对地描述一种研究路径。所以我给出两个定义，一个具体的定 义有其特定价值，另一个更为概括的定义也有其价值。我得说明第二个定义----关于社会生活中的控制的研究更为政治化，关于生存的研究则更为经济化。这个定义源于具最影响力的传播政治经 济学家的工作。
Communication in North America, a man by the name of Dallas Smith, you have heard of Smith? Also a Canadian, also worked in the United States, so we have two definitions, if you want to do political economy, you study power and how it enters into the production, distribution and exchange of resources, or more generally, how people go about exercise and control for the purposes of survival. I turn from there now to characteristics, a definition is useful but it’s limited. It’s just one sentence telling me what something it is. A richer way to understand political economy is to describe its characteristics, its fundamental qualities and I will offer you four qualities. That characterizes political economy and distinguishes it from other approaches, especially distinguish it from economics. So keep in mind my field is political economy and it often defends itself in contrast to economics.
What’re the characteristics, number one, political economy is committed to a study of the history of social phenomenon, of society, that is ---- we believe, that in order to understand power, which is central to the definition, we must understand how social relations develop over time. So let’s say, I ‘m study in as the political economist the power of Microsoft, the corporation, which is a resentable study for political economist of communication. I begin by looking at how the company was formed, how Bill Gates---a very young man began to organize resources and use a software program and an operating system. At the time called MS-DOS for Microsoft, this operating system to exercise power over the use of a computer. He made his operating system indispensable, you could not run a computer without it. He uses power! For political economist, we begin by looking at the history of the company. An economist would not necessarily look at the history. Economist focus on what is happening today. Why? Because they believe the only thing that you can be scientific about is what is happening today. So political economist study the history.
在北美的传播学研究中，有一个人名叫达拉斯.斯密塞，各位听说过斯密塞吗？他也是一个加拿大人，也在美国工 作过。有两个政治经济学的定义，一个具体的定义是如果你想研究政治经济学，你研究权力及它是如何参与资源的 生产，分配和交换的，或者更为概括地说，人们如何为了生存而运作和进行控制的。现在我们来谈谈政治经济学的 特点，单一定义有其用处但也有局限性。定义仅仅用一句话就告诉了我们某物是什么。描述政治经济学的特征及本 质一个理解这门学科内涵更为丰富的方法，下面我们来讲政治经济学的四大特征：这四个特征表现了政治经济学的 本质并将它区别于其它研究方法,特别是区别于经济学。 所以请大家牢记我的研究领域是经济政治学，政治经济学也常常保守自己以区别于经济学。
那么政治经济学的特点是什么呢,第一,政治经济学致力于研究社会现象和社会的历史，也就是说-----为了了解权力这个对于政治经济学至关重要的定义，我认为我们必须了解社会关系是如何变迁的。因此作为传播政 治经济学家，我所研究的是关于微软公司的权力，微软公司是传播政治经济学家一个著名的研究案例 。 首先,我着眼于公司是如何成立的,比尔.盖茨—这样一个年青人，是如何组织资源并使用软件程序和操作系统的 。当时微软称为MS-DOS,这个操作系统在电脑使用上发挥了权力。盖茨使其操作系统必不可少,没有人可以使用不带操作系统的电 脑。他运用了权力! 作为一个政治经济学家,我们首先关注公司的历史。但经济学家不一定关注历史， 经济学家的焦点是当下正在发生的事情。 为什么? 因为他们相信,唯有现今所发生的事情可以用于科学研究。 因此大家知道政治经济学家研究历史。
Second characteristics ,number two, a political economy is committed to study in what we called the social totality, totality----a totality is a whole, a totality in composes social political, economic, culture, restudy the whole of society, so we begin with history and we study the social totality or the social whole. Why? Because a political economist wants to understand the large picture, all the society for all of the world, even it means sacrificing a very specific knowledge because you are interested in the social whole. Economists argue that you can only be scientific if you study the specifics of the economy at the present moment. Political economy says we must study the economy inniterate relationship to the political, to the cultural, to the social. So we find study in Microsoft, I want to understand how Microsoft and Bill Gates relate to government, what is the culture they are studying, that is the culture that says a computer software developer is a significant force in the culture of a society, Microsoft isn’t just an economic organization, it is a political one, it’s a culture force, it’s social force. Bill Gates isn’t just a corporate executive, he is a philosopher, he is! Some people would say a good philosopher, some one say a not good philosopher! But we have to understand from a political economist point of view, that Bill Gates and Microsoft are forces that are as much political and cultural as they economic. And as a political economist, I look to see how the totality fits together.
The third characteristic of a political economist, is we expect that political economy will be committed to the study of moral philosophy values. What is a moral philosophy? it’s a set of values that is prominent in society? But it’s also a set of values that a political economist wants to bring about in the world. Economists as opposed to political economist, the economist says no moral philosophy, it’s too subjective. You can’t be scientific about values. Political economists make moral philosophy a central force in our study.
Let me give you two examples in the history of political economy, the first comes from classical political economy from the work of the English political economist, a founder of the field------Adam Smith, who wrote the book “ the wealth of nations”, but he wrote an even better book, a better book called the “the theory of moral sentiments”. Adam Smith was not a professor of political economy, he was a professor of moral philosophy at the university of Edinburgh. Why? Because he was committed to understanding the moral basis of the transition from an agricultural society to a capitalism society, an understood as your society is beginning to understand today that are significant to moral problems that arise in any economic transition, so Adam Smith was not someone committed to the market, he also worried about what happened to the poor who didn’t not have power in the market place, and thought about the moral commitment to those who could not succeed in capitalism, so that’s one example of moral philosophy.
政治经济学的第二个特点是，它致力于研究我们称之为社会整体的事物 -----整体性是指全部，整体包括社会的政治、经济、文化，对于全社会的重新研究。我们从历史出发研究社会整体或整 个社会。为什么要这样? 因为政治经济学家想认识的是一幅宏大图景,包括世界上所有的社会，即使这意味因为你对整个社会的兴趣而要牺 牲追求细枝末节的具体知识。经济学家认为目前只有当你学习经济的具体方面时你才能比较科学化。 政治经济学家说我们必须要研究经济与政治、文化的和社会的联系。以研究微软为例,我想了解微软和盖茨与政府 之间的关系，他们所研究的文化是什么，那种文化表明一个计算机软件开发商在社会文化中举足轻重 的影响力。 微软不仅是经济组织,它也是一个政治组织，更是一种文化力量和社会力量。 盖茨不仅仅是一个公司的执行官,他还是一个哲学家！有人会说他是一个好的哲学家,有的人会说他不是一个好哲 学家。但我们从政治经济学的角度来看,比尔.盖茨和微软公司在政治和文化方面的影响力与他们在经济方面的影 响力齐鼓相当。作为一个政治经济学家,我注意观察整体事实之间是如何关联起来的。
政治经济学的第三个特点，我们希望它能致力于道德哲学观的研究。什么是道德哲学呢？它是社会有名的一套价值 观吗？而且它也是政治经济学家想转变世界的一系列价值观。不像政治经济学家那样，经济学家否定道德哲学，认 为其过于主观化并认为价值观无法科学化。政治经济学家将道德哲学作为我们研究的一个重要推动力 量。
我可以给大家举两个政治经济学历史上的例子，第一个例子来源于英国政治经济学家从事的古典政治经济学，他是 这个领域的一个奠基人----亚当.斯密，他写过一本书名为：《国富论》，他还写过一本更好的书，叫《道德情操论》。亚当.斯密并不是政 治经济学的教授，他是爱丁堡大学道德哲学方面的一位教授。为什么？因为他致力于理解从农业社会向资本主义社 会转型的道德基础，这对于了解今天的社会中经济转型所引起的道德问题意义重大，因此亚当.斯密并非只研究市 场，他也关心那些在市场中没有权力的穷人，并且思考对那些在资本主义制度下无法成功之人的道德义务。这是道 德哲学的一个例子。
The second example comes from the work of Max, while Smith worried about the transition from agricultural to an industrial capital society, Max worried about the transition from a capitally society to a socially society and in the cores of his work, it engages in many of the moral issues. Surrounding the transition, from the time of Max and Smith to the present, political economist thinks about the values and moral philosophy, so for me, as the political economist working today, I worry about the problems associated with the rise of what is called an information society, will there be jobs? What kinds of jobs? What do we do about the people who can’t afford the technology that is essential? And most importantly, what’s the fate of democracy in an information society. My commitment, my moral philosophy is rooted in the belief in democracy. What is democracy? It’s the philas possible participation? (Someone doesn’t like democracy? was that in coincidence? ) I was defining democracy, the philas possible participation in the decisions of fact of our lives, you can make economic decisions, political decisions, social decisions, cultural decisions. And as a political economist, I worked on issues surrounding the moral commitment to a democratic society.
Three characteristics so far: history, the social totality and moral philosophy. Number four may be even more difficult to understand because I use not in English terms, but the term from a classical Greece which has been turned into an English term, it’s called in praxis---P-R-A-X-I-S. A term that is used by philosophers, what praxis means---do you know what it means? Praxis similar to practice, similar but not quite, in classical Greece, a philosopher, like Plato, or Socrates or Aristotle believed that a philosopher doesn’t simply try to understand the world, but try to change it for the better, and praxis is the combination of thinking and doing, if you are committed to praxis, you don’t separate thinking from doing.
第二个事例来源于马史思的工作，当斯密关注从农业社会向工业资本社会转型的时候，马克思关注的是从资本主义 社会向社会主义社会的转型,马克思工作的核心是许多道德问题。围绕转型问题，从马克思，斯密的时代到如今， 政治经济学家思考价值观和道德哲学的问题，对我这样一个当今的政治经济学家，我关注的是与信息社会的产生一 起发生的问题。市场上有工作吗？它提供什么样的工作呢？如果人们无法负担对他们来说非常重要的科技产品，我 们该怎么办呢？最重要的是，在信息时代民主面临什么样的命运呢？我的义务承诺，我的道德哲学是深植于民主信 仰上的。什么是民主？它是一种最大可能的参与吗？它意味着对于我们生活抉择的参与吗？你可以做出经济，政治 ，社会及文化方面的决定。作为一个政治经济学家，我所工作的问题围绕在对民主社会的道德奉献方 面。
现在我们已经讲了三政治经济学的三个特征：社会变迁与历史，社会整体性以及道德哲学。第四个特征可能更不容 易理解，因为我使用的不是英语术语，而是从古典希腊文中派生的术语，它还没有翻为英语术语，这个单词是pr axis-- P-R-A-X-I-S。这个术语常被哲学家使用，那么praxis是什么意思呢---大家知道这个词的意思吗？praxis的意思和practice也就是“实践”类似，虽然类似但不尽相同， 在古典希腊文中，一个哲学家，如柏拉图，苏格拉底或者亚里士多德认为哲学家并非只试图理解世界，还要努力将 世界改变得更好。Praxis一词就是把思考付诸于行动的意思。如果你致力于实践，那么你不会将行动与思考 截然分开。
In fact, thinking is doing and doing is thinking , more specifically for a political economist, we don’t separate doing research from our involvement in the world, so even as I study the world, I try to change it, so ten minutes ago, I gave Doctor Wu a book, my latest book that combines SA’s on the studies of labor and work, now I won’t detail about this, but in the process of doing the book, I advised and worked for the workers I was studying to help them in their struggles with the large communication company, big media conglomeracy, so I do research on what they are doing, I also try to help them in their struggles for democracy, that is praxis. A scholar thinks and does at the same time. Economists believe that you must separate thinking from doing, that you must be a scholar and can’t be involve in doing because that will affect your scholarship, make it less objective. Economist, we take a different point of view, now I’m not telling you which is right or wrong, I can only offer you my own perspective on which I do and try to treat different ones as fairly as one can.
So I’ve given you two definitions of political economy and four characteristics. Now I will say something briefly, and of course I must be brief, my book is long, you would be here one week to hear the entire book, and none of us want to be here one week to hear from me. So I must be brief, definitions, characteristics, and then there are schools or thought that define political economy, different approaches. I have described some of these already, there is a distinction between political economy and economics. Before the middle of the nineteen century, around 1850, before this time, everything was political economy, but around the middle of the nineteen century, a group of people broke with political economy to start economics, you don’t need to know the names, Marshal, Jevons, mostly British political economist who wanted more scientific, more narrow, more focused on scholarship, no focus on history.
事实上，思考就是行动，行动就是思考，特别是作为政治经济学家，从不将研究工作与参与世界截然对立，所以即 使在研究世界时，我也在尽力改变它。十分钟前，我交给吴院长一本书，是我写的关于劳工及其工作的最新研究著 作，现在我不打算细谈此书。但是在我写作此书的过程中，我对所研究的工人给予过建议并帮助他们与大的传播公 司，大的传媒联合企业进行抗争，因此我不仅研究他们正在做的事，还帮助他们努力争取民主，这就是实践。一个 学者是知行合一的。经济学家认为必须将思考与行动分开，他们认为做真正的学者时不能陷入实践中，因为它会影 响你的学问，使其缺乏客观性。作为经济学家我们抱持另外一种观点，现在我并不是告诉大家哪种观点对或错，我 只能告诉大家我个人所实行的观点以及我如何尽力平等地对待每个不同的个体。
现在为止，我已经告诉大家政治经济学的两个定义和四个特征。现在让我来简要地谈些问题，当然我必须得简要， 我的书很长，你们要是想听完整本书恐怕得在这儿待一周，我想没有人愿意在这儿待一周听我絮叨。所以我必须简 明扼要，谈完了政治经济学的定义和特征，接着是政治经济学的学派和思潮及各种研究方法。我已经谈到了其中的 一些，讲到了政治经济学与经济学之间存在区别。在19世纪中叶以前，也就是1850年左右，在此之前，一切 都是政治经济学的范畴，但是到了19世纪中叶，一群人打破了政治经济学的领域，开创了经济学，大家无需知道 每个人的名字，有马歇尔，杰文斯，他们中大多数原本是英国政治经济学家，他们想要更科学化，更精细，更专注 于学术，而不是关注历史。
They studied the discipline of economics. Political economy survived but it’s in complex different schools or thought. I will just describe three to give you some field for the range of differences within political economics. When I have already described briefly comes from the work of Max, please understand Max had an influence on the development of political economy, but he didn’t give it the only influence, Max is only one force in the development of political economy, but an important force, provided it with an understanding of social class and class relations, of the relationship between political economy and ideology and of the significance of class struggle in the world.
There are other schools of thought that however that differ from Max in the formation of political economy. Marxism is one, the other thoughts is called institutional political economies, institutional---very prominent in the United States and in Canada.So the United States and Canada have Marxian political economist, they also have institutional political economist. Institutional political economist concentrate not on social class or class relations, but examines concentrate on the power of large corporations, to exercise what is belief and what is called monopoly power, so very specifically a Marxian political economist will look at the relations----let’s say, between the working class and the elite or ruling class, and institutional political economist would take a company like Microsoft or Sony or Time Warner or News Corp. and examine the impact of their size on the market for media and information regionally, nationally or worldwide.
这些经济学家研究经济学的规则。政治经济学虽幸存下来却有着各种复杂的学派或思潮。我将仅给大家阐述在政治 经济学领域中的三个不同流派。我所介绍的只是简要地阐述了马克思的著作，请大家注意马克思对于政治经济学发 展具有其影响力，但他并非是唯一的影响力量。马克思只是政治经济学发展史中的一支力量，却是非常重要的一支 ，使得政治经济学开始理解社会地位和阶级关系，以及政治经济学、意识形态和阶级斗争的意义之间 的关系。
然而在政治经济学形成的过程中，也有一些不同于马克思思想的学派。马克思主义是其中一派，其它的思潮被称为 制度政治经济学派，制度学派在美国和加拿大是非常有名的。因此在美国和加拿大有马克思主义政治经济学派，也 有制度政治经济学派。制度政治经济学集中关注的并非社会地位和阶级关系，而是集中考察大企业的权力，他们如 何运用信仰和垄断力量。马克思主义政治经济学派会明确关注社会关系---也就是，工人阶级和社会精英或统治阶级的关系，而制度政治经济学派会选微软、索尼、时代华纳或者新闻集团这 样的大集团来考察这些公司的规模对区域性，国家性或全球性的媒介和信息市场的影响。
So the problem for an institutional political economist is that media companies are getting too big, and as a result of their size, they are restricting the diversity of ideas, emphasizing only those ideas that make money, that is commercial ideas, restricting the diversity of information and therefore restricting the potential for democracy, large corporations make it difficult for people to have the information to decide for themselves what to do with their lives. Institutional political economist also study seats that get too large and restricts flow of information. So they might focus in the United States on the power of the government, including the military in the U.S. to control the flow of media, communication and information. So an institutional political economist might study why is it, that America committed to a war in Iraq, and everyone, many people, a majority of Americans supported it---they might say because the U.S. government control the flow of ideas, making it difficult for people to recognize and understand the problems of a war in Iraq, the institutional political economist says too big a government restrict ideas.
One more example of a school of thought， there are sadly the others, you have to read my book to find the others, in addition to a Marxian and institutional , there is also a conservative political economy, though conservative political economy is often associated with last center of views, there is a strong conservative political economy, many conservative thinkers believe that economics was wrong to a limit values, moral philosophy, they believe that in order to maintain social stability, political economy had to retain a commitment to values, but in their minds, traditional values, the family, religion, so there are today many political economist who take a conservative point of view and they call themselves political economist, not economist. Because they believe in incorporating values into our understanding, so you don’t like an economist just study the market in media, you examine the values that underlie the media and work toward. For example, we see this in the United States, in Jacktin more religion the media, why? Because the belief is from a conservative point of view, unless scholars support the conservative principles, (you have to move around, do we need it? I have a loud voice, is it connected to anything that requires? No, we have a tape recorder) I come from an Italian background and we are great opera singers, so we are born with loud voices but I promise you I will not sing opera. Conservative in political economy believe in the need for social stability and intervention, so you don’t study just the market the way an economist does, you must incorporate values, so there not just Marxian political economist or institutional political economist, there are also conservative political economist, so these are schools of thought, now many of these schools of thought have been incorporated in the political economy of communication. I’ve described a little about this.
这样看来，制度政治经济学派研究的担心的问题是传媒公司过于庞大，并且由于这些公司规模的扩大而限制了思想 的多样性，他们只关注如何赚钱这样的想法，这些商业观念限定了信息的多样性从而制约了实现民主的可行性，大 公司使人们难以获得与自己生活决策相关的信息。制度政治经济学派也研究公司扩张过大而制约信息流通的问题。 因此制度政治经济学派可能会关注美国政府的权力，包括美国军队是如何控制媒体，沟通和资讯的流通。一位制度 政治经济学家可能会研究为什么是这样，比如为什么美国坚持在伊拉克发动战争，很多人, 多数美国人表示支持这场战争--他们可能会说是美国政府控制了思想传播，使人们难以认识和了解伊拉克战争的问题，制度政治经济学家指出过于 强势的政府也会限制思想。
再举一个学派的例子，至于其它一些学派，大家得去翻阅我的书。除了马克思主义学派和制度学派之外，还有一种 是保守政治经济学派，尽管保守政治经济学派经常与以上一些中心观点所混淆，还有一个强势的保守政治经济学派 ，他们中许多保守思想者认为经济学不应限制价值观及道德哲学，他们认为为了保持社会稳定性，政治经济学需要 坚守价值观，在他们的思想里保留传统的价值观，家庭观和宗教观。当今许多政治经济学家采用的是一种保守的观 点，他们自称为政治经济学家，而非经济学家。政治经济学家相信可以将价值观融入我们的智慧中，因此保守学派 不像经济学家那样只研究媒介市场，还考察成为媒介基础的价值观并努力向前。政治经济学的保守派坚信需要社会 稳定和政治干预，他们不仅像经济学家那样研究市场行为，还考虑价值观。除了马克思政治经济学家或制度政治经 济学家，还有保守政治经济学家，这就是一些学派，现今其中许多学派已经被纳入了传播政治经济学当中。我已经 就这点谈过一些。
In my book, I talk about differences in the study of political economy in communication, and of course I can give you many details, what I can do is very briefly refer to three different areas of emphasis in the contemporary political economy of communication that provide the map of the field. so starting with north America, and I’ll do this by regions, is easier, in north America, there have been about four generations of political economy, starting in the 1950s, with the work of Dallas Smythe and his colleague in the United States, Herbert Schiller, they established political economy, Smith taught the first course at the university of Illinois in political economy, political economy in North America has been primarily focused on an institutional political economy of the media, so Schiller worries about big companies dominating American media, similarly for Smith, now please understand I’m over simplifying because I must be brief, I can’t pay the honor to these man that I ought to pay.
在我的书中，我谈到了传播政治经济学研究的不同之处。当然我可以给大家讲很多详细的问题，但今天我只能简要 地谈谈当代传播政治经济学重要的三个不同地区，这样给大家勾勒一幅这个领域的地图。我们从北美谈起，我会按 区域来划分，这样更便捷。在北美地区，曾有过大约四代政治经济学，从1950年开始，达拉斯.斯密塞和他在 美国的同事赫伯特.席勒创立了政治经济学，斯密塞在伊利诺伊斯大学首先开设了政治经济学的课程。北美政治经 济学最初关注的是媒介的制度政治经济学，席勒担心庞大的公司统治美国媒介，而斯密塞的担忧也大致如此。请大 家谅解我讲得过于概括因为我必须简单扼要地讲，由于时间原因我无法给予这些大师应有的敬意。
But in ascense in their work focused on problems arising from big media dominating, in Europe, a school of thought arising out of the work of people like Nicholas Garnham, who had the pleasure of sitting on the plenary session just two days ago, a conference in Hong Kong. Peter. Golding and Graham. Murdock. Almond. Mattelart in France are leading figures who adopted of a more Marxian political economy, so as Mike Schiller worried about big business, NBC, CBS, ABC, Disney and those excellent work on the problems of conglomerate media, European scholars, British scholars concentrated more on class divisions, and especially in the case of Mattelark on class struggle and class conflict over the media. So concretely they might study how is the working class in Europe making their own media, how do they establish their class identity through the media, how do they rebel with the media, similarly how do the dominant class use the media to advance their interest. And also what’s the relationship between class position and ideology in the media. So as north America concentrated on the more institutional emphasis, Europe on the more Marxian emphasis.
A third school of thought grew largely out of the work of developing nations, particularly in Latin America around problems over the issue of modernization in development. So the question is: how does a society modernize with the media? Political economist were critical about the view, that you can achieve development for an entire society by providing them with newspapers, radio stations, television channels, film studios which was the traditional main stream way of thinking about media and modernization.
他们集中关注统治的大媒介所产生的问题。在欧洲，从尼古拉斯.加汉姆这些人中产生了一种新的学派，他也欣然 参加了两天前一个在香港召开的大会。彼得.戈尔丁和格拉姆.默多克，法国的阿曼德.马特拉是更偏向于马克思 主义政治经济学的代表人物。麦克.席勒担心像NBC,CBS,ABC,迪士尼这样的大企业及联合媒介产生的 问题，而欧洲和英国学者更关注阶级划分，尤其是马特拉关注于阶级斗争和争夺媒介的阶级冲突。具体说来，他们 可能研究的是欧洲的工人阶级如何建设他们自己的媒介，他们如何通过媒介确定阶级身份，他们如何与媒介对抗， 同样地，统治阶级如何使用媒介来发展他们的利益。还有，阶级地位与媒介意识形态之间的关系如何？北美更倾向 于制度学派，欧洲则更倾向于马克思主义学派。
第三种学派主要是从发展中国家诞生的，尤其是像拉丁美洲这样充斥着发展现代化问题的国家。那么问题就是：一 个社会如何与媒介共同现代化？有人认为只要有了传统意义上所认为的媒介和现代化设施如报纸，广播站，电视台 ，电影制片厂，整个社会就能实现现代化发展，政治经济学家对此观点持批判态度。
Political economist said that newspapers were more often than not a means of strengthening dependency, dependency of the poor on a ruling elite, films were means of transmitting propaganda, and maintaining dependency, they were pioneers third world or developing nation. Theories in political economy, a study of the media what is called imperialism, media imperialism, how a nation like the United States, for example---maintains its power by controlling media, for examples, in Latin America. So these are examples----very brief ones of how political economists of the media have used political economic theory in their research. Now I only have a few minutes in the last say ten –fifteen minutes I have available before I take questions. I would like to talk to you about some of the ways in which I have attempted to change political economy, to rethink it, to provide a new map, building on the old map.
One of the difficulties of political economy as a field of study is that because it has to pay so much attention to practical problems, think of Herbert Schiller as a good example, they were not able to spend the time developing the theory of political economy or provide it with a proper Philosophical foundation. So here is Herbert Schiller in the United States practically alone doing political economy of the media.
政治经济学家认为报纸经常是加强依附性的一种手段，加强了穷人对统治精英的依附性。电影在第三世界或发展中 国家是传播宣传思想的手段及维护依附性的先锋。在政治经济学的理论中，对媒介的研究称之为帝国主义，媒介帝 国主义，比如说像美国这样的国家，是如何通过控制媒介维护权力的，或者像拉丁美洲这样的国家。这些例子都非 常简要地说明了媒介政治经济学家如何在他们的研究中运用了政治经济学。最后我大概还会讲10到15分钟，然 后大家可以提问。我想谈谈我在变革政治经济学时尝试用过的方法，以及我是如何在旧的学科版图上进行反思并提 供了新的蓝图。
政治经济学作为一个研究领域的难题之一是它必须非常关注实际问题，拿赫伯特.席勒来说，他们无法花时间来发 展政治经济学理论或者为政治经济学提供一个正确的哲学基础。赫伯特.席勒在美国研究媒介政治经济学是相当孤 单的。
He has to do everything. Be a critique and help to change things, in the early 1970s, he in fact along with Almond Mattelart and Dallas Smith went to Chilly to help the government of Salvadore Allende who was elected, democratically elected in Chilly to develop a social democratic media, Schiller didn’t have the time to think about philosophy, he was involved in the social revolution which as you will know and will probably reminded of last week with a death of dictator. A gust opinochit ended in a Cudata a military coup that resulted in the death of 30,000 Chilean people in 1979, this is very important, because political economy were showed up around the day to day political economy struggles, they didn’t have the time the ability to develop,it’s my generation of political economist who ever had the time and there are more of us than there used to be to think about philosophy, so I have devoted a lot of my time to develop the philosophical and theoretical grounding for political economy that Schiller，Smith and Mattelart that could not. I will offer you briefly an idea of what this involves, any philosophy must begin with a theory of how we know things, philosopher calls this epistemology. A philosophy of knowledge, everyone of us has a theory of knowing ----whether you know it or not, a philosopher is someone who is fully conscious, as fully as can be of a theory of knowledge or an epistemology--- very briefly, because I know it’s very complex, a political economist believes in an irrealist way of knowing the world, many people in philosophy including many who worked in the area cultural studies question realism. A political economist believes in the reality of what we do, what we say and the language we use to express it. So we are realists in philosophy, because we believe that this table is real, it is not just in my imagination, the word “table” is real, and this which I am touching now exists, only to the extent that I act on it and that I have a word for it, it’s realist. The epistemology of political economy believe in realism, as oppose to idealism, which believe that only the ideal is real, or in the mind of some believe that nothing is real. It’s all in the imagination, a political economist is a realist, we also believe that you understand anything we have to look at the way things are combined and act on one another.
So some of you may have studied Marxism ，which simplistically argues that all is reduced to economics, material reality. A political economy says no, reality is made up of both the material and inmaterial. We use the word mutually constituted, they work on one another to make the reality re-understand. In philosophical terms, we are not essentialists or determinists. We believe that there are many different ways to understand the world, we have one, we pack into the world from our ideas and our actions and we understand the way the world’s put together.
席勒需要事必亲躬。作为一个批判学者并且想要改变事态，在1970年初期，席勒和阿曼德.马特拉还有达拉斯 .斯密塞到达智利，为帮助萨尔瓦多.阿连德政府的选举，通过民主选举在智利发展一种社会民主主义媒介，席勒 无暇思考哲学，他被卷入了社会改革当中，上周一个独裁者之死可能会使大家想起这场社会革命。1973年，皮 诺切特发动军事政变推翻民选总统阿连德上台，造成30，000名智利人民死亡。这点是非常重要的，因为政治 经济学就是在日复一日的政治经济斗争中产生的，那些学者没有时间和能力来发展政治经济学。在我们这一代中， 比以往的政治经济学家有时间并且比以往有更多人来思考哲学问题。我花了很多时间来发展政治经济学的哲学和理 论基础，这是席勒，斯密塞和马特拉所没有做到的事情。我会简要地告诉大家哲学和理论基础包括些什么，哲学必 须以我们如何认识事物的理论来开端，哲学家称此为认识论。
我们都有自己哲学理论知识体系---不论你知道与否。哲学家是指全知的，对于知识的理论体系或认识论他们是全知的---这是简略的说法，因为我知道这个概念非常复杂，政治经济学家相信可以通过非现实方式认识世界，许多哲学工作 者包括在文化研究领域的工作者都质疑现实主义。政治经济学家相信在现实中我们自己所做的，所说的话以及表达 时所使用的语言。因此我们是哲学中的现实主义者，因为我们相信这个桌子是真实的，它不仅存在于我的想象之中 。这个词“桌子”是真实的，我现在所触摸的表明桌子是存在的。只有当我作用于这张桌子并且有这个词时它才是 真实的。政治经济学的认识论相信现实主义，是不同于理想主义的。理想主义相信只有是理念是真实的，其中一些 人认为没有什么是真实的，全都是想象。而一位政治经济学家是一个现实主义者，我们也相信理解任何事情必须要 看到事物是互相联系和互相影响的。
有些研究过马克思主义的人曾过于简化地把一切都归因于经济和物质现实。政治经济学家对此表示否定，现实是由 物质与非物质构成的。我们用一个词叫互相建构，二者彼此作用使现实被重新理解。用哲学术语来说，我们并不是 本质论者或决定论者。我们相信有许多不同的方式可以认识世界，我们有一种思维方式，我们以自己的思想和行为 来参与世界，并且我们理解世界成为一个整体的方式。
But it’s ok for you to understand from another point of view. Knowledge comes out of the conversation, that you and I have about a different kinds of views, so it’s not a question that I am right and you are wrong, but rather, we hold the conversation, a communication that tries to come closer and closer to a reality, now I can’t go on much longer about this philosophical dimension, realism and inclusiveness includes different perspectives. But there is one other philosophical idea I want to present to you. So far I have described epistemology, how I know things, there is one other there with me, I will give you the secret of lesson, so there will be a payoff for you. The other philosophical idea is called ontology----O-N-T-O-L-O-G-Y. Ontology means what do you emphasize when you see the world, do you emphasize the structure or the process?
当然你还可以从其它观点来理解这个问题。知识源于对话，你我有不同的观点，这并不是说我是对的，你是错的， 而是我们进行对话，交流会使彼此的观点更接近现实，这里我不想就哲学方面有关现实主义及其所包括的不同观点 再多谈。 但是我还想跟大家分享一点哲学思想。我已经讲过了认识论以及我如何认识事物，再讲一点哲学思想，我会告诉大 家这个讲座的秘密，这样大家就来有所值了。另一个哲学思想叫做存在论。存在论是看当你观察世界时你所强调和 关注的是什么，你是强调结构还是强调过程呢？
A structure is a thing, a thing is your body, an institution, a river. A process is a flow, a movement. If you want to study science and become a physicist, you study process, you learn how to measure it, velocity is a process and you learn to measure how fast things that a structure go, a physicist doesn’t study the thing, a physicist study the process by which a thing occurs, how fast, what’re the relationships among the particles. My political economy tries to study process, that doesn’t mean I do not study the thing. But the thing is in the background, the process is in the foreground.
Getting nearly the end of my talk, I will say something about the processes I study, the most important, when I give great emphasize to it in my book is called commodification. How does something that you and I value for its use get turned into something that is valued for how much it is worth in the market, I tell my children a story, once upon a time. The value of the story is its use, in bringing my daughter and me together. If I write down the story and try to sell it to a publisher, it becomes a commodity. A political economists studies the process of communication, tries to understand of the story I tell my daughter becomes a marketable product, what are the steps. Now that can be a story, a film, a cell phone conversation, an internet message, how does commodification take place and how do people resist the process of commodification?
“结构”是一件事物，一件事物可能是指你的身体，一个机构或者一条河流。“过程”是指流程或运转。如果你想 研究科学并成为一个物理学家，你要研究 “过程”，你可以学习如何测量这个过程，比如周转率是一个过程，你学习如何测量在一个结构中事物是如何快速 运转的。物理学家并不研究“事物”本身，物理学者研究一件事物出现的过程及它出现的速度，粒子之间有何关联 。我从事政治经济学试图研究“过程”，这并不意味着我不研究“事物”。但是事物是处于后台的，而过程是处于 前台的。
我的讲座已经临近尾声，我想谈谈我所研究的“过程”，我在书中所重点强调的过程称之为商品化。你我所珍惜的 东西如何转化为市场上的价值。我每次只给我的孩子讲一个故事,故事的价值在于它联络了女儿和我的关系。如果 我把这个故事写下来卖给出版商，这个故事就变成了一个商品。政治经济学家研究的是流通过程，我讲给女儿的故 事是如何转化成了市场上的商品，转化的步骤是什么。现在我们可以把“故事”替换为电影，手机通话或网络短信 ，来看看商品化是如何发生的以及人们是如何抵制商品化的过程的？
So my daughter and I are in Hong Kong last week, she says dad “why is everything so commercial here?” Christmas should not be commercial, by saying that, she is demonstrating resistance to commodification, let’s not buy a Christmas tree, let’s grow our own. That’s resistance to commodification, political economist studies the process of commodification and resistance to it. Now there are two other processes that we also emphasize, for which are also connected to commodification, the second process is called spatialization, spatialization is the derived in fact in its earliest roots from a comment that Max made a century and a half ago. Max is a very wise man, describe capitalism as a annihilating space with time. Your friend Herold describes this in great detail, as a Canadian political economist, annihilate space with time. What is that mean? For Max, the power of capitalism, and he understood the power of capitalism, we tend to emphasize that Max didn’t like capitalism, but we should emphasize how he appreciated its power, capitalism were so powerful that it could wipe out distance, space, including the space created by ethnic groups, racial groups and nation states.
上周我女儿和我待在香港，她说：“爸爸，为什么这里一切都这么商业化？”圣诞节不应该是商业化的，我女儿表 现出对商品化的抵制，她说我们不要买圣诞树了，我们自己种吧。这是对商品化的一种抵制，政治经济学家研究商 品化的过程及对商品化的抵制。现在我们还要强调其它两个“过程”，这两个过程也与商品化相关，第二个过程称 之为空间化，空间化源自其最早的根基也就是马克思在一个半世纪以前所做的解释。马克思是一个智者，他形容资 本主义是用时间消灭空间。你们的朋友哈罗德描述得更为细致，他是一位加拿大政治经济学家，什么是用时间消灭 空间？对马克思来说，他理解资本主义权力，我们想强调马克思不喜欢资本主义，但我们更应该强调他是如何叹服 资本主义的权力的，资本主义如此强大以至于它可以克服距离和空间障碍，包括由民族间，种族间和国家间所产生 的空间障碍。
A political economist then naturally understands globalization as part of the process of spatialization, which means the process by which in our world, capitalism annihilate or at least transforms space with the market or what Max called time, spatialization. Now of course if you don’t understand, we will have some time for questions later. One more process, and we will get closer to the secret of life. The third process is called structuration and this also has its roots in many different theories. But I will suggest another one from Max, one of his wiser statements was to say people make history but not under conditions of their own making. People make history but not under conditions of their own making! You and I make history, but the conditions under which we make it are not under the one we make, we are born into structures, but we use what the political economist and the sociologist calls our agency, our activity to change the structures, Structuration is the process whereby the agency of a person living inside a structure tries to act on that structure，to change it. And in the process is changed himself or herself. You’ve heard the term dialectic, agency and structure.
政治经济学家很自然地就能理解全球化是空间化过程的一种形式，空间化过程是指在我们世界里，资本主义用市场 或者是用马克思所说的时间消灭或是至少转换了空间障碍，这就是空间化。现在如果大家不太明白的话，我们可以 稍后进行提问。现在讲另一个过程，待会就会告诉大家生命的奥秘是什么。第三个过程称之为结构化，它也源于许 多不同的理论。但我想引用马克思的另一个理论，他的贤明论述之一是说人民创造了历史但是并不是在他们自己选 定的条件下创造的。
人民创造了历史但是并不是在他们自己选定的条件下创造！你和我创造了历史，但是我们创造历史的条件并不是我 们自己所选定的，我们生来就是结构，但我们用的是政治经济学家和社会学家所说的机构和行为来改变结构。结构 化是指生存于一个结构中的人努力作用于这个结构并且改变它的过程。在此过程中所改变的是他们自己。你们已经 听几个术语叫辩证的，作用和结构。
A dialectically connected in the process of structuration, for the political economist, one of the major outcomes of a structuration is the development social classes which grow out of the relationship of human agency in social structure. But again, because we try to be inclusive, it’s not just class, it also includes gender, race and ethnicity. We form an identity base on how we act on structures into which we are born. Commodification, spatialization and structuration, you have been very patient, I’m going to conclude with one more point about political economy and then you get the secret of life.
Political economy is a field that recognize that it’s not the only approach to understand the world, there are others on our borders there we must understand, in Canda, we share the border with United States, we must understand the United States or we can’t understand ourselves. A political economist shares the border with cultural studies. In order to understand ourselves as political economist, we must understand cultural studies, that is the field that examines how people make meaning in the formation of their culture, subjectively through their consciousness.
对于政治经济学家来说，在结构化的过程中辩证地联系的一个最主要的结果是社会阶级的发展，他们是从社会结构 的人类作用的关系中发展而来。我还要再说一次，我们想要尽量概括，它不仅包括阶级，还包括性别，种族和民族 。我们是如何对所处结构发生作用的，这一点是我们形成一致的基础。商品化，空间化和结构化，大家非常耐心地 听了我的讲座，我再总结一点就会揭示生命的奥秘。
政治经济学仅是一个领域，它并非是认识世界的唯一方式，还有许多边界知识需要我们了解。在加拿大，我们与美 国接壤，我们必须了解美国否则我们无法认识自己。政治经济学家与文化研究接近。作为政治经济学家，为了更好 地认识自己，我们必须了解文化研究学，这个领域考察人们是如何通过主观意识在他们文化的形成中 制造意义的。
Many political economists I must admit would rather fight with cultural studies than have a conversation or mutual discussion. Part of my job is to say: let’s not to say that who is better, but let’s have a conversation. So that we can understand both our differences and our similarities that will make us both better, so my point to political economist is: understand what is on your borders, have a dialogue with it that will make you better. And that is especially the case in the relationship to cultural studies.
You have been very patient and now I will tell you the secret of life which has a strong relationship to political economy, but I have to stand up, you can’t tell the secret of life sitting down. So I will tell you this. In my most recent book, which is called the “Digital Sublime”, which is in fact a work of culture, which I wrote because in my book the political economy of communication I say at the end, we political economist must build a bridge to cultural studies, so my friends in cultural studies said “ why do you just build the bridge, you should walk on it, come over to our side" So I said: “fine! I will write a book to walk over the bridge, but I will take with me political economy, so when I come to you, it will be as a political economist”.
我承认许多政治经济学家并没有与文化研究展开对话和相互讨论，而是争执不休。我的一部分工作是：我们不要争 论孰好孰坏，让我们来展开对话。这样我们可以理解彼此的差异和共通之处，这样可以使我们都得到进步。因此我 对政治经济学家的观点是：了解什么是你的边界，与其进行对话以使你得到进步。这对于政治经济学与文化研究的 关系是尤其适用的。
大家非常耐心地倾听了这堂讲座，现在我就告诉你们生命的奥秘是什么。这点与政治经济学有非常紧密的联系，但 我要站起来说，大家不能听一个坐着的人来揭示秘密。让我来告诉你们，在我的近作中，名为《数码崇尚：迷思、 权力与网络空间》，这事实上是一本关于文化工作的书，作为一个传播政治经济学者，我们需要建立与文化研究沟 通的桥梁，而我的作文化研究的朋友却说：“为什么你只搭建桥梁，你应该走过去，来到我们这边”，我说：“好 ，我会写一本书来跨越这座桥梁，但是我会带着政治经济学，这样当我走到你们面前时，我还是一位政治经济学家 。”
So I wrote a book of culture which includes political economy, and I start by telling the story, in part because the book is about myth---M-Y-T-H, I used the term myth because I believed that it is important and in that it is in the age of internet, to understand the internet we must understand that it’s not just about money and power, it’s also a myth, a myth about a utopian world—a paradise on line: en-cyberspace, cyberspace has become a new heaven. Because I wanted to talk about the myth of the internet, I tell a story, I go back to a myth of many years ago, it’s a myth from Scandinavia, where many myth of come, they are so far north, they have to tell long stories keep them warm in the winter, this is from Norway, which has many myth about the God, “Thor” , Thor is the God, but he is the God who like to play among the morals, so he would come down from heaven.
所以我写了一本包括政治经济学的文化书籍，开篇我讲了一个故事，一部分原因是这本书是关于神话问题的，我用 了神话这个词因为我相信这个词很重要而且神话存在于网络时代。想要理解网络，我们必须认识到网络不仅与金钱 和权力相关，它还是一个神话，一个关于理想国的神话---它是在线天堂：电脑空间，网络已成为一个新的天堂。因为我想要讲讲有关网络的神话，我要讲一个故事，一个很 久以前的神话，这个神话来自斯堪的纳维亚半岛，这里出产了很多神话，在最北边，他们需要讲述无尽的长故事来 保持整个冬天暖和。这个神话来自于挪威，他们有许多关于上帝的神话，“托尔”，是一位神，但他喜欢到人间游 戏，所以他要从天堂下到凡间。
In Norway, it’s called Vanhala, he would be sent to play and one day he meets a Norwegian man and they started playing and then they start wrestling and the Norwegian man I called him Stan grab Thor in the back and has him in the wrestling what we called a hay block, and Thor says: “ok, the fun is over, now let’s stop. ” And Stan says: No, I won’t stop. And Thor says: you must! And Stan says: No. and Thor says: ok, if you stop, I will do something for you! And Stan says: “I know what you want to do，I want you to tell me the secret of life, you are the God, you can tell this to me.” And Thor says:“ I can’t tell you the secret of life, it’s the secret of Gods. “And Stan says：” fine” and he entightens it and it’s choking, even the Gods can choke and Thor says: “ok, I will tell you the secret of life but under one condition, Stan says: “what is that? ”
And Thor says: “you must pluck out one of your eyes and give to me.” Wow! You must give me one of your eyes, and Stan says: “one of my eyes?” And Thor says: “yes! For the secret of life, a small price to pay! ”And Stan thinks about it and finally he says: “ok! I will give you one of my eyes, you give me the secret of life and then I will let you go. ”So which is in and which is out?
有一天，他可以到凡间玩耍，这时他碰到了一个挪威人，于是他们开始玩摔跤，这个挪威人我叫他斯坦，他抓住托 尔的背部然后把托尔摔到一个干草堆上，这时托尔说：“游戏结束了，现在我们停止摔跤。” 斯坦说：“不，我不会停。”托尔说：“你必须停下来！”斯坦说：“不。”托尔说：“好吧，如果你停下来，我 会为你做些事！”斯坦说：“我知道你想干什么，你是上帝，我想让你告诉我生命的奥秘是什么，你可以告诉我这 个。”托尔说：“我不能告诉你生命的奥秘，这是上帝的秘密。”斯坦说：“好吧”，接着他揪紧了托尔，托尔变 得快窒息了，托尔这时说：“好吧，我告诉你生命的奥秘，但是有一个条件。”斯坦问：“是什么条件？”托尔说 ：“你得挖出一只眼睛给我”。哇！“你必须给我一只你的眼睛。”斯坦问：“我的一只眼睛？”托尔回答：“是 的！为了了解生命的奥秘，一只眼睛并不算什么。”托尔想了想最后说：“好吧！我会给你一只我的眼睛，然后你 告诉我生命的奥秘，我就会放你走。”那么到底挖哪只眼睛呢？
Sometimes when I speak, I have a plastic eyeball, I left it back home in Canada, so you have to imagine an eyeball in hand----and he hands it to Thor, and says: “now you tell me the secret of life” and Thor says: “I will, the secret of life is to see vigilantly with both eyes.” now I’d liked that story very much, both because it’s very funny and political economist need to be more funny , but also because it demonstrates that you can’t see anything with one eye, including the eye of political economy. You must see with the other eye too, the eye of cultural studies, to be full, to be complete, to lead a good life, you must see with both eyes, I also liked it a lot because it tells me that my philosophy in some respects is a wise one, because it teaches us that if there is a secret of life, it’s not a thing, a structure, it is a process, the act of seeing. So I hope you think my gift was worth the wait and you will enjoy it. I hope you will enjoy the secret of life and learn something about political economy. Thank you! (Applaud)
有时我演讲时，我会带一个塑料眼球，这次我落在加拿大了，不过大家可以想象我的手里有一个眼球---斯坦将眼睛交给了托尔并且说：“现在告诉我生命的奥秘吧。”托尔说：“我会的，生命的奥秘就是学会如何机警 地用两只眼睛看世界。”
我非常喜欢这个故事，一方面因为它很有趣而政治经济学家需要更加幽默，这个故事更证明了你不能只用一只眼睛 看事物，包括政治经济学这只眼睛。你还需要用另一只眼睛，文化研究的眼睛。为了丰富和完整及过一个美好的生 活，你必须学会用两只眼睛看世界。我喜欢这个故事，因为它说明我的哲学观在某些方面是明智的。这个故事教导 我们：如果生命当中有奥秘的话，它不是一件事情或一个结构，而是一个过程，是一种观察行为。我希望大家认为 这份礼物没有让大家白等，并且希望大家喜欢这个故事。我希望你们珍惜生命的奥秘并且从政治经济学中学有所获 。谢谢大家！
ABOUT HIM:HE IN CHINA SHENGZHENG OF SPEECH.
Professor Vincent Mosco，现为加拿大皇后大学社会学系教授、加拿大政府卓越学者计划之“传播与社会研究卓越学者”，哈佛 社会学博士，传播政治经济学重量级知名学者，至今已出版个人学术专著五本，合作编写八本，发表论文上百篇， 其《传播政治经济学－再思考与再更新》一书为传播政治经济学界的经典之作。研究领域为传播与信息科技社会、 媒体政治经济学、知识劳动者社会学、传播政策等。
文森特.莫斯可教授讲座录音材料
吴院长介绍：在座的研究生都知道考进来要经历莫斯可先生这本“传播政治经济学”的洗礼。所以大家都是抱着一 种非常激动的心情，现在终于莫斯可教授从大洋彼岸能够到我们东方来，这次刚好非常荣幸，我们特别地请香港的 浸会大学传理学院帮我们联系，所以呢莫斯可教授很欣然地乐意到我们深圳大学传播学院来给大家做一个讲座。莫 斯可教授应该说在传播政治经济学的研究，教学，教育方面非常有影响，在国际上非常有影响。他今天会特别详细 地给我们讲这个学科的发展，它的一些关键问题，当然他今天是用英文来讲，用英文来讲可能对于部分同学听的时 候会有一点困难，好在事先呢会有这样一个文本发给大家。如果这个过程当中，理解上还有一些问题的话，如果要 提问的话可以用中文提问，到时我们的老师啊还有英文比较好的同学可以帮忙翻译一下，到时候交流的时候可以这 样。那么好，我们就以热烈的掌声欢迎莫斯可教授。
Vincent Moscow:
Thank you very much, Doctor Wu, pleasure to be here and thank you for having me here to have for …help me so very much to come here, find my way here today, it’s a pleasure and an honor to speak to you today. Thank you very much.
I’m going to be speaking on a subject that I have been working on for many years, the political economy of Communication. I mentioned that these years, a ten year retrospective, my book on this subject was published in English in 1996, so it has been ten years. I am about to write a new version of the book which I look to complete by the end of 2007. It has been ten years and too long, so I need to talk about all the work that has been done over the last decade in the fields to make revisions and updating. But I’m going to speak to you today about the essential dimensions of a political economy approach. I wish I could speak to you in Chinese, but I am afraid that your English is much better than my Chinese would be, so I appreciate your indulgence as I speak English to you today, it may be that you will not understand everything I have to say. Political economy can be a complex subject, I will try to be as basic I can be as to help you to understand a political economy perspective, I can promise you this: I have a gift for you at the end of my talk. If you stay with me throughout this talk, by the end of my talk, I will tell you the secret of life.
首先非常感谢吴院长邀请我到深圳大学进行讲座，并对我此行给予了很多帮助，我感到十分荣幸能来这里与大家交 流。再次表示感谢！
下面我将要进行演讲的题目是一个我从事多年的领域，那就是传播政治经济学。关于这个领域，我在1996年出 版过一本英文著作。回溯过去，到今天已经将近十年，对此书我想写一个新版并希望到2007年底完成。是啊， 十年弹指一挥间！我需要在修订版的书中对这个领域过去十年里所完成的成果进行更新。但是今天我要跟大家谈的 是政治经济学领域的最重要的几个方面。我很想用中文与各位交流，不过恐怕大家的英语比我的中文要好很多，所 以请允许我今天用英语进行讲座。 也许你们不能理解我谈的每一个问题。政治经济学本身就是一个复杂的主题，我会尽量分享一些基本性的知识以帮 助大家了解政治经济学的远景。 我可以向诸位承诺: 在讲座结束时我会送大家一个礼物,如果你耐心听完这个讲座,那么在讲座结束时, 我将告诉你生命的奥秘。
So you stay with me through this talk, so by the end, you will know the secret of life, but not till the end. I’m going to take the first part of my talk to describe traditional political economy approaches to communication, so I will give you a definition--- what is it, some characteristics and describe some of the different schools or thought, different approaches to political economy. And then I will talk how communication scholars have used political economy as the first part. In the second part, I will talk about how I have in the sense reinvented political economy. That’s my rethinking of the field, when I said out to write my book in 1990, I thought it would take me six months to one year, I realize that the time however that one could not simply write the description of how people have used political economy because all descriptions of disciplines are contested. There are many different ways of thinking about the discipline, so I am not only had to provide a map of the discipline, I have to remap it. So instead of one year, it took five years. I hope it was worth it. I hope this time it will only take one year. In the second half of my talk then, I will describe how I rethink political economy provided with a new foundation, describe its philosophy and the approach I take and describe why I take, then I will tell you the secret of life.
如果大家跟随我的思路，从头到尾听完讲座的话,那么到讲座结束时,你就会知道生命的奥秘，而不是到生命结束 时才明白。下面我讲的第一部分是介绍传播领域中的传统政治经济学， 所以我会给出一个定义—政治经济学是什么,它有些什么特点，并介绍一些不同的学派和思潮，政治经济学的各种 研究方法。在第一部分我还将谈谈传播学者是如何运用政治经济学的。在第二部分，我将谈一下我是如何理智地进 行了政治经济学的重新构建。这些就是我对这个领域的一个反思,当我说在1990年说要写这本书时，我以为要 花半年至一年时间, 然而那时我意识到不能仅仅简单说明人们是如何应用政治经济学的，因为所有对政治经济学科的叙述 都存在争议。 对这个学科有许多不同的思考方式， 所以我不仅要提供一个这个学科的现有版图,我还要重新规划这个蓝图。所以此书不是历时一年,而是用了五年时 间，我希望这是值得的。 而这次修订我希望只需一年。 在讲座的后半部分，我将在新的基础上对政治经济学进行反思, 并阐述政治经济学的哲学理念及我所从事的研究方法,还有我为什么采用这种方法，然后我会告诉你生命的奥秘. 。
So let’s begin, we begin at the beginning with the definition----what’s political economy. Political economy is the study of the social relations, particularly the power relations, and this is on power, that mutually constitutes the production, the distribution and the exchange of resources. In our field, those are communication resources. So we study how power is involved in producing, distributing and exchanging communication, that is the most specific definition. If you are familiar with my book, you know that I offer two definitions: one specific and one general. When political economy began in the west in the 1700, 1800, 1900 centuries, it was a more general discipline, in fact political economy was considered the basis of all social studies. Political economy began as the master discipline and the definition that applied at that time was much more general, so I have first described in very specific terms, the production, distribution and exchange of resources. One can also say political economy as the study of control and survival in social life. Very well, I offer you two definitions because no one definition can absolutely describe an approach, so I give you two, a specific one that has a certain value, and a more general one that also has its value. I must say that the second definition----the study of control which is more political, and survival which is more economic. It relies from the work of arguably the first major political economist of communication.
言归正转，我们从定义入手----什么是政治经济学。政治经济学是研究社会关系的科学，特别是权力关系，正是它们共同构建了资源的生产，分配 和交换。在我们的研究领域，资源是指传播资源。因此我们研究权力是如何参与传播资源的生产，分配和交换的， 这是最具体的定义。如果你们熟悉我的书，你们知道我给出了两种定义：一种是具体的，另一种是概括的。当政治 经济学在17，18，19世纪在西方开始时，它是一个更为综合的学科，那时政治经济学被认为是所有社会研究 的基础。政治经济学开始时是一门主要学科，那时它的定义比现在更为概括，所以我首先用非常具体的术语来定义 它为：资源的生产，分配和交换。我们也可以更为概括地说政治经济学是对社会生活中的控制与生存进行的研究。 我给了大家两个定义，因为没有任何一个定义可以绝对地描述一种研究路径。所以我给出两个定义，一个具体的定 义有其特定价值，另一个更为概括的定义也有其价值。我得说明第二个定义----关于社会生活中的控制的研究更为政治化，关于生存的研究则更为经济化。这个定义源于具最影响力的传播政治经 济学家的工作。
Communication in North America, a man by the name of Dallas Smith, you have heard of Smith? Also a Canadian, also worked in the United States, so we have two definitions, if you want to do political economy, you study power and how it enters into the production, distribution and exchange of resources, or more generally, how people go about exercise and control for the purposes of survival. I turn from there now to characteristics, a definition is useful but it’s limited. It’s just one sentence telling me what something it is. A richer way to understand political economy is to describe its characteristics, its fundamental qualities and I will offer you four qualities. That characterizes political economy and distinguishes it from other approaches, especially distinguish it from economics. So keep in mind my field is political economy and it often defends itself in contrast to economics.
What’re the characteristics, number one, political economy is committed to a study of the history of social phenomenon, of society, that is ---- we believe, that in order to understand power, which is central to the definition, we must understand how social relations develop over time. So let’s say, I ‘m study in as the political economist the power of Microsoft, the corporation, which is a resentable study for political economist of communication. I begin by looking at how the company was formed, how Bill Gates---a very young man began to organize resources and use a software program and an operating system. At the time called MS-DOS for Microsoft, this operating system to exercise power over the use of a computer. He made his operating system indispensable, you could not run a computer without it. He uses power! For political economist, we begin by looking at the history of the company. An economist would not necessarily look at the history. Economist focus on what is happening today. Why? Because they believe the only thing that you can be scientific about is what is happening today. So political economist study the history.
在北美的传播学研究中，有一个人名叫达拉斯.斯密塞，各位听说过斯密塞吗？他也是一个加拿大人，也在美国工 作过。有两个政治经济学的定义，一个具体的定义是如果你想研究政治经济学，你研究权力及它是如何参与资源的 生产，分配和交换的，或者更为概括地说，人们如何为了生存而运作和进行控制的。现在我们来谈谈政治经济学的 特点，单一定义有其用处但也有局限性。定义仅仅用一句话就告诉了我们某物是什么。描述政治经济学的特征及本 质一个理解这门学科内涵更为丰富的方法，下面我们来讲政治经济学的四大特征：这四个特征表现了政治经济学的 本质并将它区别于其它研究方法,特别是区别于经济学。 所以请大家牢记我的研究领域是经济政治学，政治经济学也常常保守自己以区别于经济学。
那么政治经济学的特点是什么呢,第一,政治经济学致力于研究社会现象和社会的历史，也就是说-----为了了解权力这个对于政治经济学至关重要的定义，我认为我们必须了解社会关系是如何变迁的。因此作为传播政 治经济学家，我所研究的是关于微软公司的权力，微软公司是传播政治经济学家一个著名的研究案例 。 首先,我着眼于公司是如何成立的,比尔.盖茨—这样一个年青人，是如何组织资源并使用软件程序和操作系统的 。当时微软称为MS-DOS,这个操作系统在电脑使用上发挥了权力。盖茨使其操作系统必不可少,没有人可以使用不带操作系统的电 脑。他运用了权力! 作为一个政治经济学家,我们首先关注公司的历史。但经济学家不一定关注历史， 经济学家的焦点是当下正在发生的事情。 为什么? 因为他们相信,唯有现今所发生的事情可以用于科学研究。 因此大家知道政治经济学家研究历史。
Second characteristics ,number two, a political economy is committed to study in what we called the social totality, totality----a totality is a whole, a totality in composes social political, economic, culture, restudy the whole of society, so we begin with history and we study the social totality or the social whole. Why? Because a political economist wants to understand the large picture, all the society for all of the world, even it means sacrificing a very specific knowledge because you are interested in the social whole. Economists argue that you can only be scientific if you study the specifics of the economy at the present moment. Political economy says we must study the economy inniterate relationship to the political, to the cultural, to the social. So we find study in Microsoft, I want to understand how Microsoft and Bill Gates relate to government, what is the culture they are studying, that is the culture that says a computer software developer is a significant force in the culture of a society, Microsoft isn’t just an economic organization, it is a political one, it’s a culture force, it’s social force. Bill Gates isn’t just a corporate executive, he is a philosopher, he is! Some people would say a good philosopher, some one say a not good philosopher! But we have to understand from a political economist point of view, that Bill Gates and Microsoft are forces that are as much political and cultural as they economic. And as a political economist, I look to see how the totality fits together.
The third characteristic of a political economist, is we expect that political economy will be committed to the study of moral philosophy values. What is a moral philosophy? it’s a set of values that is prominent in society? But it’s also a set of values that a political economist wants to bring about in the world. Economists as opposed to political economist, the economist says no moral philosophy, it’s too subjective. You can’t be scientific about values. Political economists make moral philosophy a central force in our study.
Let me give you two examples in the history of political economy, the first comes from classical political economy from the work of the English political economist, a founder of the field------Adam Smith, who wrote the book “ the wealth of nations”, but he wrote an even better book, a better book called the “the theory of moral sentiments”. Adam Smith was not a professor of political economy, he was a professor of moral philosophy at the university of Edinburgh. Why? Because he was committed to understanding the moral basis of the transition from an agricultural society to a capitalism society, an understood as your society is beginning to understand today that are significant to moral problems that arise in any economic transition, so Adam Smith was not someone committed to the market, he also worried about what happened to the poor who didn’t not have power in the market place, and thought about the moral commitment to those who could not succeed in capitalism, so that’s one example of moral philosophy.
政治经济学的第二个特点是，它致力于研究我们称之为社会整体的事物 -----整体性是指全部，整体包括社会的政治、经济、文化，对于全社会的重新研究。我们从历史出发研究社会整体或整 个社会。为什么要这样? 因为政治经济学家想认识的是一幅宏大图景,包括世界上所有的社会，即使这意味因为你对整个社会的兴趣而要牺 牲追求细枝末节的具体知识。经济学家认为目前只有当你学习经济的具体方面时你才能比较科学化。 政治经济学家说我们必须要研究经济与政治、文化的和社会的联系。以研究微软为例,我想了解微软和盖茨与政府 之间的关系，他们所研究的文化是什么，那种文化表明一个计算机软件开发商在社会文化中举足轻重 的影响力。 微软不仅是经济组织,它也是一个政治组织，更是一种文化力量和社会力量。 盖茨不仅仅是一个公司的执行官,他还是一个哲学家！有人会说他是一个好的哲学家,有的人会说他不是一个好哲 学家。但我们从政治经济学的角度来看,比尔.盖茨和微软公司在政治和文化方面的影响力与他们在经济方面的影 响力齐鼓相当。作为一个政治经济学家,我注意观察整体事实之间是如何关联起来的。
政治经济学的第三个特点，我们希望它能致力于道德哲学观的研究。什么是道德哲学呢？它是社会有名的一套价值 观吗？而且它也是政治经济学家想转变世界的一系列价值观。不像政治经济学家那样，经济学家否定道德哲学，认 为其过于主观化并认为价值观无法科学化。政治经济学家将道德哲学作为我们研究的一个重要推动力 量。
我可以给大家举两个政治经济学历史上的例子，第一个例子来源于英国政治经济学家从事的古典政治经济学，他是 这个领域的一个奠基人----亚当.斯密，他写过一本书名为：《国富论》，他还写过一本更好的书，叫《道德情操论》。亚当.斯密并不是政 治经济学的教授，他是爱丁堡大学道德哲学方面的一位教授。为什么？因为他致力于理解从农业社会向资本主义社 会转型的道德基础，这对于了解今天的社会中经济转型所引起的道德问题意义重大，因此亚当.斯密并非只研究市 场，他也关心那些在市场中没有权力的穷人，并且思考对那些在资本主义制度下无法成功之人的道德义务。这是道 德哲学的一个例子。
The second example comes from the work of Max, while Smith worried about the transition from agricultural to an industrial capital society, Max worried about the transition from a capitally society to a socially society and in the cores of his work, it engages in many of the moral issues. Surrounding the transition, from the time of Max and Smith to the present, political economist thinks about the values and moral philosophy, so for me, as the political economist working today, I worry about the problems associated with the rise of what is called an information society, will there be jobs? What kinds of jobs? What do we do about the people who can’t afford the technology that is essential? And most importantly, what’s the fate of democracy in an information society. My commitment, my moral philosophy is rooted in the belief in democracy. What is democracy? It’s the philas possible participation? (Someone doesn’t like democracy? was that in coincidence? ) I was defining democracy, the philas possible participation in the decisions of fact of our lives, you can make economic decisions, political decisions, social decisions, cultural decisions. And as a political economist, I worked on issues surrounding the moral commitment to a democratic society.
Three characteristics so far: history, the social totality and moral philosophy. Number four may be even more difficult to understand because I use not in English terms, but the term from a classical Greece which has been turned into an English term, it’s called in praxis---P-R-A-X-I-S. A term that is used by philosophers, what praxis means---do you know what it means? Praxis similar to practice, similar but not quite, in classical Greece, a philosopher, like Plato, or Socrates or Aristotle believed that a philosopher doesn’t simply try to understand the world, but try to change it for the better, and praxis is the combination of thinking and doing, if you are committed to praxis, you don’t separate thinking from doing.
第二个事例来源于马史思的工作，当斯密关注从农业社会向工业资本社会转型的时候，马克思关注的是从资本主义 社会向社会主义社会的转型,马克思工作的核心是许多道德问题。围绕转型问题，从马克思，斯密的时代到如今， 政治经济学家思考价值观和道德哲学的问题，对我这样一个当今的政治经济学家，我关注的是与信息社会的产生一 起发生的问题。市场上有工作吗？它提供什么样的工作呢？如果人们无法负担对他们来说非常重要的科技产品，我 们该怎么办呢？最重要的是，在信息时代民主面临什么样的命运呢？我的义务承诺，我的道德哲学是深植于民主信 仰上的。什么是民主？它是一种最大可能的参与吗？它意味着对于我们生活抉择的参与吗？你可以做出经济，政治 ，社会及文化方面的决定。作为一个政治经济学家，我所工作的问题围绕在对民主社会的道德奉献方 面。
现在我们已经讲了三政治经济学的三个特征：社会变迁与历史，社会整体性以及道德哲学。第四个特征可能更不容 易理解，因为我使用的不是英语术语，而是从古典希腊文中派生的术语，它还没有翻为英语术语，这个单词是pr axis-- P-R-A-X-I-S。这个术语常被哲学家使用，那么praxis是什么意思呢---大家知道这个词的意思吗？praxis的意思和practice也就是“实践”类似，虽然类似但不尽相同， 在古典希腊文中，一个哲学家，如柏拉图，苏格拉底或者亚里士多德认为哲学家并非只试图理解世界，还要努力将 世界改变得更好。Praxis一词就是把思考付诸于行动的意思。如果你致力于实践，那么你不会将行动与思考 截然分开。
In fact, thinking is doing and doing is thinking , more specifically for a political economist, we don’t separate doing research from our involvement in the world, so even as I study the world, I try to change it, so ten minutes ago, I gave Doctor Wu a book, my latest book that combines SA’s on the studies of labor and work, now I won’t detail about this, but in the process of doing the book, I advised and worked for the workers I was studying to help them in their struggles with the large communication company, big media conglomeracy, so I do research on what they are doing, I also try to help them in their struggles for democracy, that is praxis. A scholar thinks and does at the same time. Economists believe that you must separate thinking from doing, that you must be a scholar and can’t be involve in doing because that will affect your scholarship, make it less objective. Economist, we take a different point of view, now I’m not telling you which is right or wrong, I can only offer you my own perspective on which I do and try to treat different ones as fairly as one can.
So I’ve given you two definitions of political economy and four characteristics. Now I will say something briefly, and of course I must be brief, my book is long, you would be here one week to hear the entire book, and none of us want to be here one week to hear from me. So I must be brief, definitions, characteristics, and then there are schools or thought that define political economy, different approaches. I have described some of these already, there is a distinction between political economy and economics. Before the middle of the nineteen century, around 1850, before this time, everything was political economy, but around the middle of the nineteen century, a group of people broke with political economy to start economics, you don’t need to know the names, Marshal, Jevons, mostly British political economist who wanted more scientific, more narrow, more focused on scholarship, no focus on history.
事实上，思考就是行动，行动就是思考，特别是作为政治经济学家，从不将研究工作与参与世界截然对立，所以即 使在研究世界时，我也在尽力改变它。十分钟前，我交给吴院长一本书，是我写的关于劳工及其工作的最新研究著 作，现在我不打算细谈此书。但是在我写作此书的过程中，我对所研究的工人给予过建议并帮助他们与大的传播公 司，大的传媒联合企业进行抗争，因此我不仅研究他们正在做的事，还帮助他们努力争取民主，这就是实践。一个 学者是知行合一的。经济学家认为必须将思考与行动分开，他们认为做真正的学者时不能陷入实践中，因为它会影 响你的学问，使其缺乏客观性。作为经济学家我们抱持另外一种观点，现在我并不是告诉大家哪种观点对或错，我 只能告诉大家我个人所实行的观点以及我如何尽力平等地对待每个不同的个体。
现在为止，我已经告诉大家政治经济学的两个定义和四个特征。现在让我来简要地谈些问题，当然我必须得简要， 我的书很长，你们要是想听完整本书恐怕得在这儿待一周，我想没有人愿意在这儿待一周听我絮叨。所以我必须简 明扼要，谈完了政治经济学的定义和特征，接着是政治经济学的学派和思潮及各种研究方法。我已经谈到了其中的 一些，讲到了政治经济学与经济学之间存在区别。在19世纪中叶以前，也就是1850年左右，在此之前，一切 都是政治经济学的范畴，但是到了19世纪中叶，一群人打破了政治经济学的领域，开创了经济学，大家无需知道 每个人的名字，有马歇尔，杰文斯，他们中大多数原本是英国政治经济学家，他们想要更科学化，更精细，更专注 于学术，而不是关注历史。
They studied the discipline of economics. Political economy survived but it’s in complex different schools or thought. I will just describe three to give you some field for the range of differences within political economics. When I have already described briefly comes from the work of Max, please understand Max had an influence on the development of political economy, but he didn’t give it the only influence, Max is only one force in the development of political economy, but an important force, provided it with an understanding of social class and class relations, of the relationship between political economy and ideology and of the significance of class struggle in the world.
There are other schools of thought that however that differ from Max in the formation of political economy. Marxism is one, the other thoughts is called institutional political economies, institutional---very prominent in the United States and in Canada.So the United States and Canada have Marxian political economist, they also have institutional political economist. Institutional political economist concentrate not on social class or class relations, but examines concentrate on the power of large corporations, to exercise what is belief and what is called monopoly power, so very specifically a Marxian political economist will look at the relations----let’s say, between the working class and the elite or ruling class, and institutional political economist would take a company like Microsoft or Sony or Time Warner or News Corp. and examine the impact of their size on the market for media and information regionally, nationally or worldwide.
这些经济学家研究经济学的规则。政治经济学虽幸存下来却有着各种复杂的学派或思潮。我将仅给大家阐述在政治 经济学领域中的三个不同流派。我所介绍的只是简要地阐述了马克思的著作，请大家注意马克思对于政治经济学发 展具有其影响力，但他并非是唯一的影响力量。马克思只是政治经济学发展史中的一支力量，却是非常重要的一支 ，使得政治经济学开始理解社会地位和阶级关系，以及政治经济学、意识形态和阶级斗争的意义之间 的关系。
然而在政治经济学形成的过程中，也有一些不同于马克思思想的学派。马克思主义是其中一派，其它的思潮被称为 制度政治经济学派，制度学派在美国和加拿大是非常有名的。因此在美国和加拿大有马克思主义政治经济学派，也 有制度政治经济学派。制度政治经济学集中关注的并非社会地位和阶级关系，而是集中考察大企业的权力，他们如 何运用信仰和垄断力量。马克思主义政治经济学派会明确关注社会关系---也就是，工人阶级和社会精英或统治阶级的关系，而制度政治经济学派会选微软、索尼、时代华纳或者新闻集团这 样的大集团来考察这些公司的规模对区域性，国家性或全球性的媒介和信息市场的影响。
So the problem for an institutional political economist is that media companies are getting too big, and as a result of their size, they are restricting the diversity of ideas, emphasizing only those ideas that make money, that is commercial ideas, restricting the diversity of information and therefore restricting the potential for democracy, large corporations make it difficult for people to have the information to decide for themselves what to do with their lives. Institutional political economist also study seats that get too large and restricts flow of information. So they might focus in the United States on the power of the government, including the military in the U.S. to control the flow of media, communication and information. So an institutional political economist might study why is it, that America committed to a war in Iraq, and everyone, many people, a majority of Americans supported it---they might say because the U.S. government control the flow of ideas, making it difficult for people to recognize and understand the problems of a war in Iraq, the institutional political economist says too big a government restrict ideas.
One more example of a school of thought， there are sadly the others, you have to read my book to find the others, in addition to a Marxian and institutional , there is also a conservative political economy, though conservative political economy is often associated with last center of views, there is a strong conservative political economy, many conservative thinkers believe that economics was wrong to a limit values, moral philosophy, they believe that in order to maintain social stability, political economy had to retain a commitment to values, but in their minds, traditional values, the family, religion, so there are today many political economist who take a conservative point of view and they call themselves political economist, not economist. Because they believe in incorporating values into our understanding, so you don’t like an economist just study the market in media, you examine the values that underlie the media and work toward. For example, we see this in the United States, in Jacktin more religion the media, why? Because the belief is from a conservative point of view, unless scholars support the conservative principles, (you have to move around, do we need it? I have a loud voice, is it connected to anything that requires? No, we have a tape recorder) I come from an Italian background and we are great opera singers, so we are born with loud voices but I promise you I will not sing opera. Conservative in political economy believe in the need for social stability and intervention, so you don’t study just the market the way an economist does, you must incorporate values, so there not just Marxian political economist or institutional political economist, there are also conservative political economist, so these are schools of thought, now many of these schools of thought have been incorporated in the political economy of communication. I’ve described a little about this.
这样看来，制度政治经济学派研究的担心的问题是传媒公司过于庞大，并且由于这些公司规模的扩大而限制了思想 的多样性，他们只关注如何赚钱这样的想法，这些商业观念限定了信息的多样性从而制约了实现民主的可行性，大 公司使人们难以获得与自己生活决策相关的信息。制度政治经济学派也研究公司扩张过大而制约信息流通的问题。 因此制度政治经济学派可能会关注美国政府的权力，包括美国军队是如何控制媒体，沟通和资讯的流通。一位制度 政治经济学家可能会研究为什么是这样，比如为什么美国坚持在伊拉克发动战争，很多人, 多数美国人表示支持这场战争--他们可能会说是美国政府控制了思想传播，使人们难以认识和了解伊拉克战争的问题，制度政治经济学家指出过于 强势的政府也会限制思想。
再举一个学派的例子，至于其它一些学派，大家得去翻阅我的书。除了马克思主义学派和制度学派之外，还有一种 是保守政治经济学派，尽管保守政治经济学派经常与以上一些中心观点所混淆，还有一个强势的保守政治经济学派 ，他们中许多保守思想者认为经济学不应限制价值观及道德哲学，他们认为为了保持社会稳定性，政治经济学需要 坚守价值观，在他们的思想里保留传统的价值观，家庭观和宗教观。当今许多政治经济学家采用的是一种保守的观 点，他们自称为政治经济学家，而非经济学家。政治经济学家相信可以将价值观融入我们的智慧中，因此保守学派 不像经济学家那样只研究媒介市场，还考察成为媒介基础的价值观并努力向前。政治经济学的保守派坚信需要社会 稳定和政治干预，他们不仅像经济学家那样研究市场行为，还考虑价值观。除了马克思政治经济学家或制度政治经 济学家，还有保守政治经济学家，这就是一些学派，现今其中许多学派已经被纳入了传播政治经济学当中。我已经 就这点谈过一些。
In my book, I talk about differences in the study of political economy in communication, and of course I can give you many details, what I can do is very briefly refer to three different areas of emphasis in the contemporary political economy of communication that provide the map of the field. so starting with north America, and I’ll do this by regions, is easier, in north America, there have been about four generations of political economy, starting in the 1950s, with the work of Dallas Smythe and his colleague in the United States, Herbert Schiller, they established political economy, Smith taught the first course at the university of Illinois in political economy, political economy in North America has been primarily focused on an institutional political economy of the media, so Schiller worries about big companies dominating American media, similarly for Smith, now please understand I’m over simplifying because I must be brief, I can’t pay the honor to these man that I ought to pay.
在我的书中，我谈到了传播政治经济学研究的不同之处。当然我可以给大家讲很多详细的问题，但今天我只能简要 地谈谈当代传播政治经济学重要的三个不同地区，这样给大家勾勒一幅这个领域的地图。我们从北美谈起，我会按 区域来划分，这样更便捷。在北美地区，曾有过大约四代政治经济学，从1950年开始，达拉斯.斯密塞和他在 美国的同事赫伯特.席勒创立了政治经济学，斯密塞在伊利诺伊斯大学首先开设了政治经济学的课程。北美政治经 济学最初关注的是媒介的制度政治经济学，席勒担心庞大的公司统治美国媒介，而斯密塞的担忧也大致如此。请大 家谅解我讲得过于概括因为我必须简单扼要地讲，由于时间原因我无法给予这些大师应有的敬意。
But in ascense in their work focused on problems arising from big media dominating, in Europe, a school of thought arising out of the work of people like Nicholas Garnham, who had the pleasure of sitting on the plenary session just two days ago, a conference in Hong Kong. Peter. Golding and Graham. Murdock. Almond. Mattelart in France are leading figures who adopted of a more Marxian political economy, so as Mike Schiller worried about big business, NBC, CBS, ABC, Disney and those excellent work on the problems of conglomerate media, European scholars, British scholars concentrated more on class divisions, and especially in the case of Mattelark on class struggle and class conflict over the media. So concretely they might study how is the working class in Europe making their own media, how do they establish their class identity through the media, how do they rebel with the media, similarly how do the dominant class use the media to advance their interest. And also what’s the relationship between class position and ideology in the media. So as north America concentrated on the more institutional emphasis, Europe on the more Marxian emphasis.
A third school of thought grew largely out of the work of developing nations, particularly in Latin America around problems over the issue of modernization in development. So the question is: how does a society modernize with the media? Political economist were critical about the view, that you can achieve development for an entire society by providing them with newspapers, radio stations, television channels, film studios which was the traditional main stream way of thinking about media and modernization.
他们集中关注统治的大媒介所产生的问题。在欧洲，从尼古拉斯.加汉姆这些人中产生了一种新的学派，他也欣然 参加了两天前一个在香港召开的大会。彼得.戈尔丁和格拉姆.默多克，法国的阿曼德.马特拉是更偏向于马克思 主义政治经济学的代表人物。麦克.席勒担心像NBC,CBS,ABC,迪士尼这样的大企业及联合媒介产生的 问题，而欧洲和英国学者更关注阶级划分，尤其是马特拉关注于阶级斗争和争夺媒介的阶级冲突。具体说来，他们 可能研究的是欧洲的工人阶级如何建设他们自己的媒介，他们如何通过媒介确定阶级身份，他们如何与媒介对抗， 同样地，统治阶级如何使用媒介来发展他们的利益。还有，阶级地位与媒介意识形态之间的关系如何？北美更倾向 于制度学派，欧洲则更倾向于马克思主义学派。
第三种学派主要是从发展中国家诞生的，尤其是像拉丁美洲这样充斥着发展现代化问题的国家。那么问题就是：一 个社会如何与媒介共同现代化？有人认为只要有了传统意义上所认为的媒介和现代化设施如报纸，广播站，电视台 ，电影制片厂，整个社会就能实现现代化发展，政治经济学家对此观点持批判态度。
Political economist said that newspapers were more often than not a means of strengthening dependency, dependency of the poor on a ruling elite, films were means of transmitting propaganda, and maintaining dependency, they were pioneers third world or developing nation. Theories in political economy, a study of the media what is called imperialism, media imperialism, how a nation like the United States, for example---maintains its power by controlling media, for examples, in Latin America. So these are examples----very brief ones of how political economists of the media have used political economic theory in their research. Now I only have a few minutes in the last say ten –fifteen minutes I have available before I take questions. I would like to talk to you about some of the ways in which I have attempted to change political economy, to rethink it, to provide a new map, building on the old map.
One of the difficulties of political economy as a field of study is that because it has to pay so much attention to practical problems, think of Herbert Schiller as a good example, they were not able to spend the time developing the theory of political economy or provide it with a proper Philosophical foundation. So here is Herbert Schiller in the United States practically alone doing political economy of the media.
政治经济学家认为报纸经常是加强依附性的一种手段，加强了穷人对统治精英的依附性。电影在第三世界或发展中 国家是传播宣传思想的手段及维护依附性的先锋。在政治经济学的理论中，对媒介的研究称之为帝国主义，媒介帝 国主义，比如说像美国这样的国家，是如何通过控制媒介维护权力的，或者像拉丁美洲这样的国家。这些例子都非 常简要地说明了媒介政治经济学家如何在他们的研究中运用了政治经济学。最后我大概还会讲10到15分钟，然 后大家可以提问。我想谈谈我在变革政治经济学时尝试用过的方法，以及我是如何在旧的学科版图上进行反思并提 供了新的蓝图。
政治经济学作为一个研究领域的难题之一是它必须非常关注实际问题，拿赫伯特.席勒来说，他们无法花时间来发 展政治经济学理论或者为政治经济学提供一个正确的哲学基础。赫伯特.席勒在美国研究媒介政治经济学是相当孤 单的。
He has to do everything. Be a critique and help to change things, in the early 1970s, he in fact along with Almond Mattelart and Dallas Smith went to Chilly to help the government of Salvadore Allende who was elected, democratically elected in Chilly to develop a social democratic media, Schiller didn’t have the time to think about philosophy, he was involved in the social revolution which as you will know and will probably reminded of last week with a death of dictator. A gust opinochit ended in a Cudata a military coup that resulted in the death of 30,000 Chilean people in 1979, this is very important, because political economy were showed up around the day to day political economy struggles, they didn’t have the time the ability to develop,it’s my generation of political economist who ever had the time and there are more of us than there used to be to think about philosophy, so I have devoted a lot of my time to develop the philosophical and theoretical grounding for political economy that Schiller，Smith and Mattelart that could not. I will offer you briefly an idea of what this involves, any philosophy must begin with a theory of how we know things, philosopher calls this epistemology. A philosophy of knowledge, everyone of us has a theory of knowing ----whether you know it or not, a philosopher is someone who is fully conscious, as fully as can be of a theory of knowledge or an epistemology--- very briefly, because I know it’s very complex, a political economist believes in an irrealist way of knowing the world, many people in philosophy including many who worked in the area cultural studies question realism. A political economist believes in the reality of what we do, what we say and the language we use to express it. So we are realists in philosophy, because we believe that this table is real, it is not just in my imagination, the word “table” is real, and this which I am touching now exists, only to the extent that I act on it and that I have a word for it, it’s realist. The epistemology of political economy believe in realism, as oppose to idealism, which believe that only the ideal is real, or in the mind of some believe that nothing is real. It’s all in the imagination, a political economist is a realist, we also believe that you understand anything we have to look at the way things are combined and act on one another.
So some of you may have studied Marxism ，which simplistically argues that all is reduced to economics, material reality. A political economy says no, reality is made up of both the material and inmaterial. We use the word mutually constituted, they work on one another to make the reality re-understand. In philosophical terms, we are not essentialists or determinists. We believe that there are many different ways to understand the world, we have one, we pack into the world from our ideas and our actions and we understand the way the world’s put together.
席勒需要事必亲躬。作为一个批判学者并且想要改变事态，在1970年初期，席勒和阿曼德.马特拉还有达拉斯 .斯密塞到达智利，为帮助萨尔瓦多.阿连德政府的选举，通过民主选举在智利发展一种社会民主主义媒介，席勒 无暇思考哲学，他被卷入了社会改革当中，上周一个独裁者之死可能会使大家想起这场社会革命。1973年，皮 诺切特发动军事政变推翻民选总统阿连德上台，造成30，000名智利人民死亡。这点是非常重要的，因为政治 经济学就是在日复一日的政治经济斗争中产生的，那些学者没有时间和能力来发展政治经济学。在我们这一代中， 比以往的政治经济学家有时间并且比以往有更多人来思考哲学问题。我花了很多时间来发展政治经济学的哲学和理 论基础，这是席勒，斯密塞和马特拉所没有做到的事情。我会简要地告诉大家哲学和理论基础包括些什么，哲学必 须以我们如何认识事物的理论来开端，哲学家称此为认识论。
我们都有自己哲学理论知识体系---不论你知道与否。哲学家是指全知的，对于知识的理论体系或认识论他们是全知的---这是简略的说法，因为我知道这个概念非常复杂，政治经济学家相信可以通过非现实方式认识世界，许多哲学工作 者包括在文化研究领域的工作者都质疑现实主义。政治经济学家相信在现实中我们自己所做的，所说的话以及表达 时所使用的语言。因此我们是哲学中的现实主义者，因为我们相信这个桌子是真实的，它不仅存在于我的想象之中 。这个词“桌子”是真实的，我现在所触摸的表明桌子是存在的。只有当我作用于这张桌子并且有这个词时它才是 真实的。政治经济学的认识论相信现实主义，是不同于理想主义的。理想主义相信只有是理念是真实的，其中一些 人认为没有什么是真实的，全都是想象。而一位政治经济学家是一个现实主义者，我们也相信理解任何事情必须要 看到事物是互相联系和互相影响的。
有些研究过马克思主义的人曾过于简化地把一切都归因于经济和物质现实。政治经济学家对此表示否定，现实是由 物质与非物质构成的。我们用一个词叫互相建构，二者彼此作用使现实被重新理解。用哲学术语来说，我们并不是 本质论者或决定论者。我们相信有许多不同的方式可以认识世界，我们有一种思维方式，我们以自己的思想和行为 来参与世界，并且我们理解世界成为一个整体的方式。
But it’s ok for you to understand from another point of view. Knowledge comes out of the conversation, that you and I have about a different kinds of views, so it’s not a question that I am right and you are wrong, but rather, we hold the conversation, a communication that tries to come closer and closer to a reality, now I can’t go on much longer about this philosophical dimension, realism and inclusiveness includes different perspectives. But there is one other philosophical idea I want to present to you. So far I have described epistemology, how I know things, there is one other there with me, I will give you the secret of lesson, so there will be a payoff for you. The other philosophical idea is called ontology----O-N-T-O-L-O-G-Y. Ontology means what do you emphasize when you see the world, do you emphasize the structure or the process?
当然你还可以从其它观点来理解这个问题。知识源于对话，你我有不同的观点，这并不是说我是对的，你是错的， 而是我们进行对话，交流会使彼此的观点更接近现实，这里我不想就哲学方面有关现实主义及其所包括的不同观点 再多谈。 但是我还想跟大家分享一点哲学思想。我已经讲过了认识论以及我如何认识事物，再讲一点哲学思想，我会告诉大 家这个讲座的秘密，这样大家就来有所值了。另一个哲学思想叫做存在论。存在论是看当你观察世界时你所强调和 关注的是什么，你是强调结构还是强调过程呢？
A structure is a thing, a thing is your body, an institution, a river. A process is a flow, a movement. If you want to study science and become a physicist, you study process, you learn how to measure it, velocity is a process and you learn to measure how fast things that a structure go, a physicist doesn’t study the thing, a physicist study the process by which a thing occurs, how fast, what’re the relationships among the particles. My political economy tries to study process, that doesn’t mean I do not study the thing. But the thing is in the background, the process is in the foreground.
Getting nearly the end of my talk, I will say something about the processes I study, the most important, when I give great emphasize to it in my book is called commodification. How does something that you and I value for its use get turned into something that is valued for how much it is worth in the market, I tell my children a story, once upon a time. The value of the story is its use, in bringing my daughter and me together. If I write down the story and try to sell it to a publisher, it becomes a commodity. A political economists studies the process of communication, tries to understand of the story I tell my daughter becomes a marketable product, what are the steps. Now that can be a story, a film, a cell phone conversation, an internet message, how does commodification take place and how do people resist the process of commodification?
“结构”是一件事物，一件事物可能是指你的身体，一个机构或者一条河流。“过程”是指流程或运转。如果你想 研究科学并成为一个物理学家，你要研究 “过程”，你可以学习如何测量这个过程，比如周转率是一个过程，你学习如何测量在一个结构中事物是如何快速 运转的。物理学家并不研究“事物”本身，物理学者研究一件事物出现的过程及它出现的速度，粒子之间有何关联 。我从事政治经济学试图研究“过程”，这并不意味着我不研究“事物”。但是事物是处于后台的，而过程是处于 前台的。
我的讲座已经临近尾声，我想谈谈我所研究的“过程”，我在书中所重点强调的过程称之为商品化。你我所珍惜的 东西如何转化为市场上的价值。我每次只给我的孩子讲一个故事,故事的价值在于它联络了女儿和我的关系。如果 我把这个故事写下来卖给出版商，这个故事就变成了一个商品。政治经济学家研究的是流通过程，我讲给女儿的故 事是如何转化成了市场上的商品，转化的步骤是什么。现在我们可以把“故事”替换为电影，手机通话或网络短信 ，来看看商品化是如何发生的以及人们是如何抵制商品化的过程的？
So my daughter and I are in Hong Kong last week, she says dad “why is everything so commercial here?” Christmas should not be commercial, by saying that, she is demonstrating resistance to commodification, let’s not buy a Christmas tree, let’s grow our own. That’s resistance to commodification, political economist studies the process of commodification and resistance to it. Now there are two other processes that we also emphasize, for which are also connected to commodification, the second process is called spatialization, spatialization is the derived in fact in its earliest roots from a comment that Max made a century and a half ago. Max is a very wise man, describe capitalism as a annihilating space with time. Your friend Herold describes this in great detail, as a Canadian political economist, annihilate space with time. What is that mean? For Max, the power of capitalism, and he understood the power of capitalism, we tend to emphasize that Max didn’t like capitalism, but we should emphasize how he appreciated its power, capitalism were so powerful that it could wipe out distance, space, including the space created by ethnic groups, racial groups and nation states.
上周我女儿和我待在香港，她说：“爸爸，为什么这里一切都这么商业化？”圣诞节不应该是商业化的，我女儿表 现出对商品化的抵制，她说我们不要买圣诞树了，我们自己种吧。这是对商品化的一种抵制，政治经济学家研究商 品化的过程及对商品化的抵制。现在我们还要强调其它两个“过程”，这两个过程也与商品化相关，第二个过程称 之为空间化，空间化源自其最早的根基也就是马克思在一个半世纪以前所做的解释。马克思是一个智者，他形容资 本主义是用时间消灭空间。你们的朋友哈罗德描述得更为细致，他是一位加拿大政治经济学家，什么是用时间消灭 空间？对马克思来说，他理解资本主义权力，我们想强调马克思不喜欢资本主义，但我们更应该强调他是如何叹服 资本主义的权力的，资本主义如此强大以至于它可以克服距离和空间障碍，包括由民族间，种族间和国家间所产生 的空间障碍。
A political economist then naturally understands globalization as part of the process of spatialization, which means the process by which in our world, capitalism annihilate or at least transforms space with the market or what Max called time, spatialization. Now of course if you don’t understand, we will have some time for questions later. One more process, and we will get closer to the secret of life. The third process is called structuration and this also has its roots in many different theories. But I will suggest another one from Max, one of his wiser statements was to say people make history but not under conditions of their own making. People make history but not under conditions of their own making! You and I make history, but the conditions under which we make it are not under the one we make, we are born into structures, but we use what the political economist and the sociologist calls our agency, our activity to change the structures, Structuration is the process whereby the agency of a person living inside a structure tries to act on that structure，to change it. And in the process is changed himself or herself. You’ve heard the term dialectic, agency and structure.
政治经济学家很自然地就能理解全球化是空间化过程的一种形式，空间化过程是指在我们世界里，资本主义用市场 或者是用马克思所说的时间消灭或是至少转换了空间障碍，这就是空间化。现在如果大家不太明白的话，我们可以 稍后进行提问。现在讲另一个过程，待会就会告诉大家生命的奥秘是什么。第三个过程称之为结构化，它也源于许 多不同的理论。但我想引用马克思的另一个理论，他的贤明论述之一是说人民创造了历史但是并不是在他们自己选 定的条件下创造的。
人民创造了历史但是并不是在他们自己选定的条件下创造！你和我创造了历史，但是我们创造历史的条件并不是我 们自己所选定的，我们生来就是结构，但我们用的是政治经济学家和社会学家所说的机构和行为来改变结构。结构 化是指生存于一个结构中的人努力作用于这个结构并且改变它的过程。在此过程中所改变的是他们自己。你们已经 听几个术语叫辩证的，作用和结构。
A dialectically connected in the process of structuration, for the political economist, one of the major outcomes of a structuration is the development social classes which grow out of the relationship of human agency in social structure. But again, because we try to be inclusive, it’s not just class, it also includes gender, race and ethnicity. We form an identity base on how we act on structures into which we are born. Commodification, spatialization and structuration, you have been very patient, I’m going to conclude with one more point about political economy and then you get the secret of life.
Political economy is a field that recognize that it’s not the only approach to understand the world, there are others on our borders there we must understand, in Canda, we share the border with United States, we must understand the United States or we can’t understand ourselves. A political economist shares the border with cultural studies. In order to understand ourselves as political economist, we must understand cultural studies, that is the field that examines how people make meaning in the formation of their culture, subjectively through their consciousness.
对于政治经济学家来说，在结构化的过程中辩证地联系的一个最主要的结果是社会阶级的发展，他们是从社会结构 的人类作用的关系中发展而来。我还要再说一次，我们想要尽量概括，它不仅包括阶级，还包括性别，种族和民族 。我们是如何对所处结构发生作用的，这一点是我们形成一致的基础。商品化，空间化和结构化，大家非常耐心地 听了我的讲座，我再总结一点就会揭示生命的奥秘。
政治经济学仅是一个领域，它并非是认识世界的唯一方式，还有许多边界知识需要我们了解。在加拿大，我们与美 国接壤，我们必须了解美国否则我们无法认识自己。政治经济学家与文化研究接近。作为政治经济学家，为了更好 地认识自己，我们必须了解文化研究学，这个领域考察人们是如何通过主观意识在他们文化的形成中 制造意义的。
Many political economists I must admit would rather fight with cultural studies than have a conversation or mutual discussion. Part of my job is to say: let’s not to say that who is better, but let’s have a conversation. So that we can understand both our differences and our similarities that will make us both better, so my point to political economist is: understand what is on your borders, have a dialogue with it that will make you better. And that is especially the case in the relationship to cultural studies.
You have been very patient and now I will tell you the secret of life which has a strong relationship to political economy, but I have to stand up, you can’t tell the secret of life sitting down. So I will tell you this. In my most recent book, which is called the “Digital Sublime”, which is in fact a work of culture, which I wrote because in my book the political economy of communication I say at the end, we political economist must build a bridge to cultural studies, so my friends in cultural studies said “ why do you just build the bridge, you should walk on it, come over to our side" So I said: “fine! I will write a book to walk over the bridge, but I will take with me political economy, so when I come to you, it will be as a political economist”.
我承认许多政治经济学家并没有与文化研究展开对话和相互讨论，而是争执不休。我的一部分工作是：我们不要争 论孰好孰坏，让我们来展开对话。这样我们可以理解彼此的差异和共通之处，这样可以使我们都得到进步。因此我 对政治经济学家的观点是：了解什么是你的边界，与其进行对话以使你得到进步。这对于政治经济学与文化研究的 关系是尤其适用的。
大家非常耐心地倾听了这堂讲座，现在我就告诉你们生命的奥秘是什么。这点与政治经济学有非常紧密的联系，但 我要站起来说，大家不能听一个坐着的人来揭示秘密。让我来告诉你们，在我的近作中，名为《数码崇尚：迷思、 权力与网络空间》，这事实上是一本关于文化工作的书，作为一个传播政治经济学者，我们需要建立与文化研究沟 通的桥梁，而我的作文化研究的朋友却说：“为什么你只搭建桥梁，你应该走过去，来到我们这边”，我说：“好 ，我会写一本书来跨越这座桥梁，但是我会带着政治经济学，这样当我走到你们面前时，我还是一位政治经济学家 。”
So I wrote a book of culture which includes political economy, and I start by telling the story, in part because the book is about myth---M-Y-T-H, I used the term myth because I believed that it is important and in that it is in the age of internet, to understand the internet we must understand that it’s not just about money and power, it’s also a myth, a myth about a utopian world—a paradise on line: en-cyberspace, cyberspace has become a new heaven. Because I wanted to talk about the myth of the internet, I tell a story, I go back to a myth of many years ago, it’s a myth from Scandinavia, where many myth of come, they are so far north, they have to tell long stories keep them warm in the winter, this is from Norway, which has many myth about the God, “Thor” , Thor is the God, but he is the God who like to play among the morals, so he would come down from heaven.
所以我写了一本包括政治经济学的文化书籍，开篇我讲了一个故事，一部分原因是这本书是关于神话问题的，我用 了神话这个词因为我相信这个词很重要而且神话存在于网络时代。想要理解网络，我们必须认识到网络不仅与金钱 和权力相关，它还是一个神话，一个关于理想国的神话---它是在线天堂：电脑空间，网络已成为一个新的天堂。因为我想要讲讲有关网络的神话，我要讲一个故事，一个很 久以前的神话，这个神话来自斯堪的纳维亚半岛，这里出产了很多神话，在最北边，他们需要讲述无尽的长故事来 保持整个冬天暖和。这个神话来自于挪威，他们有许多关于上帝的神话，“托尔”，是一位神，但他喜欢到人间游 戏，所以他要从天堂下到凡间。
In Norway, it’s called Vanhala, he would be sent to play and one day he meets a Norwegian man and they started playing and then they start wrestling and the Norwegian man I called him Stan grab Thor in the back and has him in the wrestling what we called a hay block, and Thor says: “ok, the fun is over, now let’s stop. ” And Stan says: No, I won’t stop. And Thor says: you must! And Stan says: No. and Thor says: ok, if you stop, I will do something for you! And Stan says: “I know what you want to do，I want you to tell me the secret of life, you are the God, you can tell this to me.” And Thor says:“ I can’t tell you the secret of life, it’s the secret of Gods. “And Stan says：” fine” and he entightens it and it’s choking, even the Gods can choke and Thor says: “ok, I will tell you the secret of life but under one condition, Stan says: “what is that? ”
And Thor says: “you must pluck out one of your eyes and give to me.” Wow! You must give me one of your eyes, and Stan says: “one of my eyes?” And Thor says: “yes! For the secret of life, a small price to pay! ”And Stan thinks about it and finally he says: “ok! I will give you one of my eyes, you give me the secret of life and then I will let you go. ”So which is in and which is out?
有一天，他可以到凡间玩耍，这时他碰到了一个挪威人，于是他们开始玩摔跤，这个挪威人我叫他斯坦，他抓住托 尔的背部然后把托尔摔到一个干草堆上，这时托尔说：“游戏结束了，现在我们停止摔跤。” 斯坦说：“不，我不会停。”托尔说：“你必须停下来！”斯坦说：“不。”托尔说：“好吧，如果你停下来，我 会为你做些事！”斯坦说：“我知道你想干什么，你是上帝，我想让你告诉我生命的奥秘是什么，你可以告诉我这 个。”托尔说：“我不能告诉你生命的奥秘，这是上帝的秘密。”斯坦说：“好吧”，接着他揪紧了托尔，托尔变 得快窒息了，托尔这时说：“好吧，我告诉你生命的奥秘，但是有一个条件。”斯坦问：“是什么条件？”托尔说 ：“你得挖出一只眼睛给我”。哇！“你必须给我一只你的眼睛。”斯坦问：“我的一只眼睛？”托尔回答：“是 的！为了了解生命的奥秘，一只眼睛并不算什么。”托尔想了想最后说：“好吧！我会给你一只我的眼睛，然后你 告诉我生命的奥秘，我就会放你走。”那么到底挖哪只眼睛呢？
Sometimes when I speak, I have a plastic eyeball, I left it back home in Canada, so you have to imagine an eyeball in hand----and he hands it to Thor, and says: “now you tell me the secret of life” and Thor says: “I will, the secret of life is to see vigilantly with both eyes.” now I’d liked that story very much, both because it’s very funny and political economist need to be more funny , but also because it demonstrates that you can’t see anything with one eye, including the eye of political economy. You must see with the other eye too, the eye of cultural studies, to be full, to be complete, to lead a good life, you must see with both eyes, I also liked it a lot because it tells me that my philosophy in some respects is a wise one, because it teaches us that if there is a secret of life, it’s not a thing, a structure, it is a process, the act of seeing. So I hope you think my gift was worth the wait and you will enjoy it. I hope you will enjoy the secret of life and learn something about political economy. Thank you! (Applaud)
有时我演讲时，我会带一个塑料眼球，这次我落在加拿大了，不过大家可以想象我的手里有一个眼球---斯坦将眼睛交给了托尔并且说：“现在告诉我生命的奥秘吧。”托尔说：“我会的，生命的奥秘就是学会如何机警 地用两只眼睛看世界。”
我非常喜欢这个故事，一方面因为它很有趣而政治经济学家需要更加幽默，这个故事更证明了你不能只用一只眼睛 看事物，包括政治经济学这只眼睛。你还需要用另一只眼睛，文化研究的眼睛。为了丰富和完整及过一个美好的生 活，你必须学会用两只眼睛看世界。我喜欢这个故事，因为它说明我的哲学观在某些方面是明智的。这个故事教导 我们：如果生命当中有奥秘的话，它不是一件事情或一个结构，而是一个过程，是一种观察行为。我希望大家认为 这份礼物没有让大家白等，并且希望大家喜欢这个故事。我希望你们珍惜生命的奥秘并且从政治经济学中学有所获 。谢谢大家！