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Tower of Bebel
9th March 2010, 12:27
...how do we reach it? Where does it come from and how is it developed?


For those who aren't bothered to read, here are some abstracts from some works of Karl Marx:

The production of ideas, of conceptions, of consciousness, is at first directly interwoven with the material activity and the material intercourse of men, the language of real life. Conceiving, thinking, the mental intercourse of men, appear at this stage as the direct efflux of their material behaviour. The same applies to mental production as expressed in the language of politics, laws, morality, religion, metaphysics, etc., of a people. Men are the producers of their conceptions, ideas, etc. – real, active men, as they are conditioned by a definite development of their productive forces and of the intercourse corresponding to these, up to its furthest forms. Consciousness can never be anything else than conscious existence, and the existence of men is their actual life-process. If in all ideology men and their circumstances appear upside-down as in a camera obscura, this phenomenon arises just as much from their historical life-process as the inversion of objects on the retina does from their physical life-process.

In direct contrast to German philosophy which descends from heaven to earth, here we ascend from earth to heaven. That is to say, we do not set out from what men say, imagine, conceive, nor from men as narrated, thought of, imagined, conceived, in order to arrive at men in the flesh. We set out from real, active men, and on the basis of their real life-process we demonstrate the development of the ideological reflexes and echoes of this life-process. The phantoms formed in the human brain are also, necessarily, sublimates of their material life-process, which is empirically verifiable and bound to material premises. Morality, religion, metaphysics, all the rest of ideology and their corresponding forms of consciousness, thus no longer retain the semblance of independence. They have no history, no development; but men, developing their material production and their material intercourse, alter, along with this their real existence, their thinking and the products of their thinking. Life is not determined by consciousness, but consciousness by life. In the first method of approach the starting-point is consciousness taken as the living individual; in the second method, which conforms to real life, it is the real living individuals themselves, and consciousness is considered solely as their consciousness.


This method of approach is not devoid of premises. It starts out from the real premises and does not abandon them for a moment. Its premises are men, not in any fantastic isolation and rigidity, but in their actual, empirically perceptible process of development under definite conditions. As soon as this active life-process is described, history ceases to be a collection of dead facts as it is with the empiricists (themselves still abstract), or an imagined activity of imagined subjects, as with the idealists.



[...]

Only now, after having considered four moments, four aspects of the primary historical relationships, do we find that man also possesses “consciousness,” but, even so, not inherent, not “pure” consciousness. From the start the “spirit” is afflicted with the curse of being “burdened” with matter, which here makes its appearance in the form of agitated layers of air, sounds, in short, of language. Language is as old as consciousness, language is practical consciousness that exists also for other men,[A] and for that reason alone it really exists for me personally as well; language, like consciousness, only arises from the need, the necessity, of intercourse with other men. Where there exists a relationship, it exists for me: the animal does not enter into “relations” with anything, it does not enter into any relation at all. For the animal, its relation to others does not exist as a relation.

Consciousness is, therefore, from the very beginning a social product, and remains so as long as men exist at all. Consciousness is at first, of course, merely consciousness concerning the immediate sensuous environment and consciousness of the limited connection with other persons and things outside the individual who is growing self-conscious. At the same time it is consciousness of nature, which first appears to men as a completely alien, all-powerful and unassailable force, with which men’s relations are purely animal and by which they are overawed like beasts; it is thus a purely animal consciousness of nature (natural religion) just because nature is as yet hardly modified historically. (We see here immediately: this natural religion or this particular relation of men to nature is determined by the form of society and vice versa. Here, as everywhere, the identity of nature and man appears in such a way that the restricted relation of men to nature determines their restricted relation to one another, and their restricted relation to one another determines men’s restricted relation to nature.) On the other hand, man’s consciousness of the necessity of associating with the individuals around him is the beginning of the consciousness that he is living in society at all. This beginning is as animal as social life itself at this stage. It is mere herd-consciousness, and at this point man is only distinguished from sheep by the fact that with him consciousness takes the place of instinct or that his instinct is a conscious one.

This sheep-like or tribal consciousness receives its further development and extension through increased productivity, the increase of needs, and, what is fundamental to both of these, the increase of population. With these there develops the division of labour, which was originally nothing but the division of labour in the sexual act, then that division of labour which develops spontaneously or “naturally” by virtue of natural predisposition (e.g. physical strength), needs, accidents, etc. etc. Division of labour only becomes truly such from the moment when a division of material and mental labour appears. (The first form of ideologists, priests, is concurrent.) From this moment onwards consciousness can really flatter itself that it is something other than consciousness of existing practice, that it really represents something without representing something real; from now on consciousness is in a position to emancipate itself from the world and to proceed to the formation of “pure” theory, theology, philosophy, ethics, etc. But even if this theory, theology, philosophy, ethics, etc. comes into contradiction with the existing relations, this can only occur because existing social relations have come into contradiction with existing forces of production; this, moreover, can also occur in a particular national sphere of relations through the appearance of the contradiction, not within the national orbit, but between this national consciousness and the practice of other nations, i.e. between the national and the general consciousness of a nation (as we see it now in Germany).

Moreover, it is quite immaterial what consciousness starts to do on its own: out of all such muck we get only the one inference that these three moments, the forces of production, the state of society, and consciousness, can and must come into contradiction with one another, because the division of labour implies the possibility, nay the fact that intellectual and material activity – enjoyment and labour, production and consumption – devolve on different individuals, and that the only possibility of their not coming into contradiction lies in the negation in its turn of the division of labour. It is self-evident, moreover, that “spectres,” “bonds,” “the higher being,” “concept,” “scruple,” are merely the idealistic, spiritual expression, the conception apparently of the isolated individual, the image of very empirical fetters and limitations, within which the mode of production of life and the form of intercourse coupled with it move.



[...]


Communism is for us not a state of affairs which is to be established, an ideal to which reality [will] have to adjust itself. We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things. The conditions of this movement result from the premises now in existence.The German Ideology
(http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch02.htm)


(4) Both for the production on a mass scale of this communist consciousness, and for the success of the cause itself, the alteration of men on a mass scale is, necessary, an alteration which can only take place in a practical movement, a revolution; this revolution is necessary, therefore, not only because the ruling class cannot be overthrown in any other way, but also because the class overthrowing it can only in a revolution succeed in ridding itself of all the muck of ages and become fitted to found society anew. The German Ideology (http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/german-ideology/ch01d.htm#d3)


The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way based on ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or that would-be universal reformer. They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under our very eyes. The abolition of existing property relations is not at all a distinctive feature of communism.

[...]

Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man’s ideas, views, and conception, in one word, man’s consciousness, changes with every change in the conditions of his material existence, in his social relations and in his social life?

What else does the history of ideas prove, than that intellectual production changes its character in proportion as material production is changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of its ruling class.

When people speak of the ideas that revolutionise society, they do but express that fact that within the old society the elements of a new one have been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence.

When the ancient world was in its last throes, the ancient religions were overcome by Christianity. When Christian ideas succumbed in the 18th century to rationalist ideas, feudal society fought its death battle with the then revolutionary bourgeoisie. The ideas of religious liberty and freedom of conscience merely gave expression to the sway of free competition within the domain of knowledge.

“Undoubtedly,” it will be said, “religious, moral, philosophical, and juridical ideas have been modified in the course of historical development. But religion, morality, philosophy, political science, and law, constantly survived this change.”

“There are, besides, eternal truths, such as Freedom, Justice, etc., that are common to all states of society. But Communism abolishes eternal truths, it abolishes all religion, and all morality, instead of constituting them on a new basis; it therefore acts in contradiction to all past historical experience.”
What does this accusation reduce itself to? The history of all past society has consisted in the development of class antagonisms, antagonisms that assumed different forms at different epochs.

But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to all past ages, viz., the exploitation of one part of society by the other. No wonder, then, that the social consciousness of past ages, despite all the multiplicity and variety it displays, moves within certain common forms, or general ideas, which cannot completely vanish except with the total disappearance of class antagonisms.

The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional property relations; no wonder that its development involved the most radical rupture with traditional ideas. The Communist Manifesto (http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch02.htm)


The social revolution of the nineteenth century cannot take its poetry from the past but only from the future. It cannot begin with itself before it has stripped away all superstition about the past. The former revolutions required recollections of past world history in order to smother their own content. The revolution of the nineteenth century must let the dead bury their dead in order to arrive at its own content. There the phrase went beyond the content – here the content goes beyond the phrase.The 18th Brumaire of Louis Napoleon (http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1852/18th-brumaire/ch01.htm)

Die Neue Zeit
10th March 2010, 01:54
Recalling my old thread on "rational self-interest" and behavioural finance and economics, I really think that "false consciousness" is a term that really needs to be dumped.

I hear people all the time saying "there's always class divides," meaning they are aware of some sort of class divide (most likely though from a liberal, income-based perspective).

I think the question that should be asked is: How do we become aware of our rational self-interest as the basis of class consciousness? This of course is tied with philosophies surrounding utilitarianism.

Tower of Bebel
10th March 2010, 20:46
N.B. regarding class struggle ("[Theoretical conclusions of the Communists] merely express [...] actual relations springing from an existing class struggle"):

N.B. as to political movement: The political movement of the working class has as its object, of course, the conquest of political power for the working class, and for this it is naturally necessary that a previous organisation of the working class, itself arising from their economic struggles, should have been developed up to a certain point.

On the other hand, however, every movement in which the working class comes out as a class against the ruling classes and attempts to force them by pressure from without is a political movement. For instance, the attempt in a particular factory or even a particular industry to force a shorter working day out of the capitalists by strikes, etc., is a purely economic movement. On the other hand the movement to force an eight-hour day, etc., law is a political movement. And in this way, out of the separate economic movements of the workers there grows up everywhere a political movement, that is to say a movement of the class, with the object of achieving its interests in a general form, in a form possessing a general social force of compulsion. If these movements presuppose a certain degree of previous organisation, they are themselves equally a means of the development of this organisation.


Where the working class is not yet far enough advanced in its organisation to undertake a decisive campaign against the collective power, i.e., the political power of the ruling classes, it must at any rate be trained for this by continual agitation against and a hostile attitude towards the policy of the ruling classes. Otherwise it will remain a plaything in their hands, as the September revolution in France showed, and as is also proved up to a certain point by the game Messrs. Gladstone (http://www.marxists.org/glossary/people/g/l.htm#gladstone) & Co. are bringing off in England even up to the present time.(part in bold = my emphasis)

Marx to Bolte (1871) (http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1871/letters/71_11_23.htm)


In this part Marx gives credit to those (like the guy who wrote The Class Struggle and subsequent followers who f.e. wrote What is to be done) who claims that socialist, class consciousness comes from outside. Is Marx "bending the stick" or is it really this: agitation under the banner of Marxism?


When I made this thread I was a bit confused, since I thought: "where does Marx explain class consciousness? Ive never seen it before. I only assumed that what some comrades thaught me was correct". It seems that, indeed, also according to Marx the proletariat can only become revolutionary when it gather around the Marxist programme.

Die Neue Zeit
11th March 2010, 01:01
Comrade, there's a somewhat social-democratic book out there by Marta Harnecker, Rebuilding the Left, that distinguishes between "class consciousness" and "socialist consciousness."

In her work, she thinks earlier Marxists confused the two.

Then recall in my work:


What, then, is the modern significance of all the quotes above? The profound answer is three-fold:

1) Only those workers who, under initial conditions (the relative absence of open class struggle), support radical or revolutionary change due to their education are capable of “spontaneously” leaving behind underclass or petit-bourgeois false consciousness. All others (“the proletarian masses”), according to Kautsky, “still vegetate, helpless and hopeless” through having little free time or through being unemployed.
2) Since both bourgeois and petit-bourgeois intellectuals are ancient relics, the “spontaneous” development and proliferation of specifically revolutionary class consciousness is left to the modern equivalent and even more: professional and some clerical workers, as well as those in the “class of flux.”
3) When the process of introducing specifically revolutionary class consciousness to the proletarian masses and even radicalized workers begins, it is done most effectively (since there are less effective means) when the organized vanguard acts "not as ordinary workers, but as socialist theoreticians.”

This third point is “profoundly true and important,” because modern “vanguard” circles today act as “ordinary workers” in trying to spread specifically revolutionary class consciousness. This is the main reason why they have been ineffective!

Implicit in what I said (although I definitely didn't explain myself well enough) is that there's a difference between class and class movements (but you already know this given my equivalence of real parties and real movements).

"Revolutionary class consciousness" / "socialist consciousness" seems to come from the outside, but this is because it comes from outside the class movement. It can come from non-active workers, for example, who dedicate themselves more to the "notorious" path of "schoolmastery." :D

On the other hand, "radical class consciousness" / "class consciousness" very much comes from within the class movement.

This begs a bigger question for the current period: how does the class movement come about? [Which is a different way of saying the same thing you said]

Tower of Bebel
11th March 2010, 09:43
I see. Self-interest as a class can differ from full socialist consciousness. What defines the (dialectical) relationship between them?

You know, some would provide the answer by clinging to the idea that the present stage of imperialism (i.e. state intervention in this context) necessitates socialist propaganda and the Marxist program if we want the working class ("economically" speaking) to become conscious of its class interest (the political movement).

Die Neue Zeit
11th March 2010, 14:01
I see. Self-interest as a class can differ from full socialist consciousness. What defines the (dialectical) relationship between them?

You know, some would provide the answer by clinging to the idea that the present stage of imperialism (i.e. state intervention in this context) necessitates socialist propaganda and the Marxist program if we want the working class ("economically" speaking) to become conscious of its class interest (the political movement).

Nice subtle jab at broad economism there. ;)

"Rational self-interest" from a class but not communist viewpoint can only go so far. A DOTP not intending upon a new mode of production may last for a number of years, but I think there will be some political fork in the road facing this DOTP. In order to defend the political aspects of the DOTP, that DOTP might be compelled to proceed to a new mode of production.

Die Neue Zeit
15th March 2010, 14:00
In this part Marx gives credit to those (like the guy who wrote The Class Struggle and subsequent followers who f.e. wrote What is to be done) who claims that socialist, class consciousness comes from outside. Is Marx "bending the stick" or is it really this: agitation under the banner of Marxism?

I just want to add this particular article as food for thought for "from the outside" claims:

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/13/world/europe/13iht-poland.html


The students, lawyers, entrepreneurs, artists, and intellectuals, many of them born after 1989, were members of a growing leftist political movement that aspires to be to the younger generation what Solidarity, the trade union that opened the way to democracy in Poland, was to disenfranchised workers in the 1980s.

“We do not wear red Che Guevara T-shirts and drink organic beer,” mused Maciej Gdula, 34, a founding member of the group, Krytyka Polityczna, or Political Critique, which has 20 chapters across the country and has hosted notables like Yoko Ono to help spread its socialist credo.

“But many of us are disillusioned with the unfulfilled promises of capitalism. They promised us a world of consumption, stability and freedom. Instead, we got an entire generation of Poles who emigrated to go wash dishes.”

[...]

But the signs of life on the left, particularly among the young, suggest that some sort of cultural challenge to the status quo is under way, perhaps simply because Poland now looks a lot more like the rest of Europe.

[...]

To Mr. Gdula, the son of a former senior Communist Party official, a revival of the left can build upon such theatrics by tapping into the hopes of a younger generation alienated by the conservatism of the Roman Catholic Church. He argues that Poles are fed up with the adversarial politics personified by the rightist Kaczynskis and that disenchantment with the transition to capitalism is creating a space, however small, for socialist ideas to push through.

According to a November survey by Pew Research Center in Washington, 47 percent of Poles say they are better off today than under communism. But a notable 35 percent say they are worse off.

Whether that disenchantment is enough to fuel a full-scale leftist rebellion remains doubtful. But Tomasz Kalita, 35, a spokesman for the Democratic Left Alliance, the country’s main leftist political party, argues that the post-1989 generation is the first with enough distance from the Communist era not to view the free market as a panacea, opening the door to alternatives from the left.