Dermezel
2nd March 2010, 04:10
First, to negate any initial attempts at workers' chauvinism, see my thread on "The Labor Theory of Value as Prescriptive". It is misspelled, but should be recognized nonetheless.
Secondly, I have to note, that placing too much emphasis on workers, especially on the economic power of workers, is extremely dangerous as a tactic. The fact of the matter is Marx scientifically proves that variable capital is displaced by constant capital over time.
The reasoning is straight-forward and simple. Capitalists own the machines. The machines increase the efficiency of labor. As labor increases in efficiency it becomes more expendable and loses its value. Make workers 8 times more efficient, and you only need 1/8th the work force, you can then lower the value of their wages significantly. That is why the relative value of wages deteriorates over time.
I think it is important to keep this in mind, especially in the era of robotics, and focus more on cultural and political solutions. That isn't to say defending workers' is not important as moralistic or idealistic actions, but the real aim is social programs which helps the proletariat as a whole. Social Programs, like health care, and welfare, and free public transport are the real aims. Higher wages, unionization are axillary targets.
That does not mean if social programs are impossible you abandon the quest for higher wages. As the fourth generation rule states: "Adjust your ends to your means." A modern day strategic-political campaign must be flexible in order to succeed.
At the same time though, in terms of political advantages to the proletariat, social programs are far more powerful. They are based on taxes, which is determined by force of democratic politics. They are thus not as subject to the relative loss of variable capital.
They apply to all the proletariat equally, or near equally. Proletariat do not have to compete for social programs as intensely as they do for jobs, hence it creates a greater spirit of cooperation. This is critical especially because it creates a more unified political goal- all proletariat can pursue social programs such as welfare, or lowering the age of social security without any significant loss to any other segment of the proletariat. However consider workers who argue for subsidizing high polluting industries such as mining or logging. Their jobs come at a cost to the entire rest of the proletariat as the pollution they create far outweighs any of the benefits of the perceived jobs. Or say protectionist measures, that can cost the jobs of local workers in an advanced nation for poorer people in the third world or farm subsidies (in fact, I know from experience how easy it is to get workers even in different departments to be at each others' throats). It also frees proles from the dictatorship of the work place. This gives them more free time to develop class consciousness. Last, it helps the working class members of the proletariat by giving them more options under horrid work conditions. With sufficient welfare programs simply leaving a job becomes easier because it does not entail automatic homelessness. It likewise means less proletariat have to work, increasing the bargaining power of proletariat that do have to work i.e. remove child labor, and working adults do not see their wages deteriorate as rapidly.
Again, I am not saying this battle is unimportant, but it is ultimately a losing and secondary concern. The primary concern is social programs at any time.
Last I want to note, between 0-15,000 GDP per capita societies experiences a significant shift in cultural attitudes. 15,000 GDP per capita seems to be the "liberal values" vs. "security values" divide according to modern day sociological measurements of modernity. Though it was not specified, this likewise indicates the point at which thought it general becomes significantly less conservative. Such is very much in line with a materialist conception of thought, as people facing resources scarcity will have to implement more selfish and short-term behaviors to survive. At 45,000 GDP per capita, additional monetary resources has almost no effect on one's level of happiness compared to other variables.
What this means is a primary goal for helping the proletariat attain class consciousness must be to get the proletariat to that 15,000 per capita mark. At that point class consciousness is significantly more capable of improving.
There are two ways of doing this- one by increasing the value of wages: which is already noted impractical as it supposes opposition to all economic forces in operation under capitalism. Two- by political means, social programs.
Not only are social programs more practical, but they are also capable of avoiding a variable that can negate the gains of the monetary increase: time and energy spent working. The human body, according to ethnographic research in evolutionary psychology, evolved to work no more then 4 hours a day of generally lenient work. After eight hours a day the body is beyond exchausted. Such people, even with increases in monetary resources, are unlikely to be able to develop significant levels of class consciousness simply because they do not have the time or energy available for intellectual pursuits. They will simply hear one side talking about socialism, another saying their problems are from higher taxes, another saying it is the devil, and will not have the means by which to make the necessary distinctions between the various competing claims.
Social programs however free the proletariat entirely, both in terms of monetary gain and free time. This provides a perfect ingredient for the development of class consciousness through education. That is why advanced nations with more prevalent social programs are so far ahead of the US in terms of class consciousness.
Much like the best way to support the troops is to bring them home, the best way to support the workers, and more importantly, the proletariat in general, is to make it so they do not have to work.
Likewise, there is not a lot of statistical data available to prove this point, but gains in terms of wages and workers' benefits seem to be fleeting, whereas gains from social programs seem to be relatively constant. Social Security has far outlived any gain made from increasing minimum wage. Food Stamps have persisted far longer then the gains of union bargained health care benefits (especially since blue shield has stated they will increase their rates by a third next year.* )
*Eye-popping health insurance premium increases of up to 39 percent are not an exception but a worrisome sign of the times, the Obama administration said in a report Thursday.Proposed premium increases by Anthem Blue Cross for Californians purchasing their own coverage set off a wave of criticism and forced the company last week to announce a postponement. Now, the Health and Human Services Department says similar pressure on premiums is being felt in at least six other states.
Note: Blue Cross/Shield are the primary health insurance plans for the Teamster's Union in California.
Again the economic gains by workers, even unions are fleeting because you are fighting against economic laws. Political gains are completely different however, and if anything, prove to be very resilient as the Republican 40+ year campaign against Social Security has proven.
Secondly, I have to note, that placing too much emphasis on workers, especially on the economic power of workers, is extremely dangerous as a tactic. The fact of the matter is Marx scientifically proves that variable capital is displaced by constant capital over time.
The reasoning is straight-forward and simple. Capitalists own the machines. The machines increase the efficiency of labor. As labor increases in efficiency it becomes more expendable and loses its value. Make workers 8 times more efficient, and you only need 1/8th the work force, you can then lower the value of their wages significantly. That is why the relative value of wages deteriorates over time.
I think it is important to keep this in mind, especially in the era of robotics, and focus more on cultural and political solutions. That isn't to say defending workers' is not important as moralistic or idealistic actions, but the real aim is social programs which helps the proletariat as a whole. Social Programs, like health care, and welfare, and free public transport are the real aims. Higher wages, unionization are axillary targets.
That does not mean if social programs are impossible you abandon the quest for higher wages. As the fourth generation rule states: "Adjust your ends to your means." A modern day strategic-political campaign must be flexible in order to succeed.
At the same time though, in terms of political advantages to the proletariat, social programs are far more powerful. They are based on taxes, which is determined by force of democratic politics. They are thus not as subject to the relative loss of variable capital.
They apply to all the proletariat equally, or near equally. Proletariat do not have to compete for social programs as intensely as they do for jobs, hence it creates a greater spirit of cooperation. This is critical especially because it creates a more unified political goal- all proletariat can pursue social programs such as welfare, or lowering the age of social security without any significant loss to any other segment of the proletariat. However consider workers who argue for subsidizing high polluting industries such as mining or logging. Their jobs come at a cost to the entire rest of the proletariat as the pollution they create far outweighs any of the benefits of the perceived jobs. Or say protectionist measures, that can cost the jobs of local workers in an advanced nation for poorer people in the third world or farm subsidies (in fact, I know from experience how easy it is to get workers even in different departments to be at each others' throats). It also frees proles from the dictatorship of the work place. This gives them more free time to develop class consciousness. Last, it helps the working class members of the proletariat by giving them more options under horrid work conditions. With sufficient welfare programs simply leaving a job becomes easier because it does not entail automatic homelessness. It likewise means less proletariat have to work, increasing the bargaining power of proletariat that do have to work i.e. remove child labor, and working adults do not see their wages deteriorate as rapidly.
Again, I am not saying this battle is unimportant, but it is ultimately a losing and secondary concern. The primary concern is social programs at any time.
Last I want to note, between 0-15,000 GDP per capita societies experiences a significant shift in cultural attitudes. 15,000 GDP per capita seems to be the "liberal values" vs. "security values" divide according to modern day sociological measurements of modernity. Though it was not specified, this likewise indicates the point at which thought it general becomes significantly less conservative. Such is very much in line with a materialist conception of thought, as people facing resources scarcity will have to implement more selfish and short-term behaviors to survive. At 45,000 GDP per capita, additional monetary resources has almost no effect on one's level of happiness compared to other variables.
What this means is a primary goal for helping the proletariat attain class consciousness must be to get the proletariat to that 15,000 per capita mark. At that point class consciousness is significantly more capable of improving.
There are two ways of doing this- one by increasing the value of wages: which is already noted impractical as it supposes opposition to all economic forces in operation under capitalism. Two- by political means, social programs.
Not only are social programs more practical, but they are also capable of avoiding a variable that can negate the gains of the monetary increase: time and energy spent working. The human body, according to ethnographic research in evolutionary psychology, evolved to work no more then 4 hours a day of generally lenient work. After eight hours a day the body is beyond exchausted. Such people, even with increases in monetary resources, are unlikely to be able to develop significant levels of class consciousness simply because they do not have the time or energy available for intellectual pursuits. They will simply hear one side talking about socialism, another saying their problems are from higher taxes, another saying it is the devil, and will not have the means by which to make the necessary distinctions between the various competing claims.
Social programs however free the proletariat entirely, both in terms of monetary gain and free time. This provides a perfect ingredient for the development of class consciousness through education. That is why advanced nations with more prevalent social programs are so far ahead of the US in terms of class consciousness.
Much like the best way to support the troops is to bring them home, the best way to support the workers, and more importantly, the proletariat in general, is to make it so they do not have to work.
Likewise, there is not a lot of statistical data available to prove this point, but gains in terms of wages and workers' benefits seem to be fleeting, whereas gains from social programs seem to be relatively constant. Social Security has far outlived any gain made from increasing minimum wage. Food Stamps have persisted far longer then the gains of union bargained health care benefits (especially since blue shield has stated they will increase their rates by a third next year.* )
*Eye-popping health insurance premium increases of up to 39 percent are not an exception but a worrisome sign of the times, the Obama administration said in a report Thursday.Proposed premium increases by Anthem Blue Cross for Californians purchasing their own coverage set off a wave of criticism and forced the company last week to announce a postponement. Now, the Health and Human Services Department says similar pressure on premiums is being felt in at least six other states.
Note: Blue Cross/Shield are the primary health insurance plans for the Teamster's Union in California.
Again the economic gains by workers, even unions are fleeting because you are fighting against economic laws. Political gains are completely different however, and if anything, prove to be very resilient as the Republican 40+ year campaign against Social Security has proven.