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fredbergen
25th December 2009, 17:08
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August 2009


Speech by Esteban Volkov (Sieva) on the 69th anniversary of the Assassination of Leon Trotsky


The Triumph of the Fourth International: The Duty and Task That Is Still to be Fulfilled


We publish below the words of Esteban Volkov (Sieva), the grandson of Leon Trotsky, on the anniversary of the death of the co-leader, together with Vladimir Lenin, of the October Revolution of 1917. His speech was given in front of the funeral monument designed by the Mexican muralist Juan O’Gorman in the garden of the Museo Casa León Trotsky in Coyoacán, Mexico. This was where the great Russian and internationalist revolutionary lived the last years of his exile, before being assassinated by a Stalinist agent in August 1940. Among those who attended the ceremony were a dozen comrades of the League for the Fourth International. A spokeswoman for the Grupo Internacionalista, the Mexican section of the LFI, gave some brief remarks and at the end The Internationale was sung in Spanish, English, French and Russian.

http://www.internationalist.org/estebanvolkov0908.jpgEsteban Volkov reading his speech commemorating the 69th anniversary of the assassination of his grandfather, Leon Trotsky, Coyoacán, Mexico, August 2009. Photo: El Internacionalista

On August 20th, it will be 69 years since the day when on a hot summer afternoon, returning from school after a long walk to our house at Viena 19, in Coyoacán, I was able to see alive, for the last time, my grandfather, Lev Davidovitch, better known as Leon Trotsky.

It still seems to me as if it was yesterday, when on that afternoon, through a half-opened door of the library, I saw my grandfather, mortally wounded, lying on the kitchen floor with his head bloodied, and at his side his inseparable companion Natalia, who was applying ice to the head wound, attempting to stop the hemorrhaging. Also at his side, if I remember correctly, were the American comrades, Charlie Cornell and Joe Hansen.

Upon hearing my steps in the room next door, motioning in that direction, he said, “Keep Sieva away, he must not see this.” Shortly before, he had also admonished the comrades upon hearing the groans and cries of Stalin’s agent coming from his office where he was being beaten by one of the comrades: “Don’t kill him, he must talk,” were his words.

By the time he was in the hospital, in his last conscious moment, before going into surgery, he gave his last message to Joe Hansen: “I am sure of the triumph of the Fourth International. Forward!”

Stalin, the bloody tyrant of the Kremlin, supreme leader of the counterrevolution, had finally managed to assassinate one of the most noteworthy revolutionaries which humanity has produced, who together with Lenin played a decisive role in the preparation, execution and triumph of the first socialist revolution on the planet.

The assassination of Trotsky was the culmination of the extermination of Lenin’s comrades in struggle, and of the great majority of the generation which made possible the victory of October. These were the methods that Stalin used to maintain his usurping and illegitimate bureaucratic regime.

Scarcely three months earlier, in the early morning of May 24, we had suffered a first, failed attempt on the life of Leon Trotsky in the big house in Coyoacán. On that occasion the painter Alfaro Siqueiros together with 20 or so Stalinist fanatics had stormed the house at Viena 19, preventing the comrade guards from leaving their quarters, raking it with intense fire while pouring machine-gun fire into the bedroom of my grandparents from three different directions, using Thompson sub-machine guns. Quick thinking by Natalia, who immediately pushed grandfather out of the bed and kept him in a corner of the dark bedroom, was what saved both of their lives. At the time I slept in the neighboring bedroom, and was grazed by a bullet on the big toe of my right foot.

Firebombs thrown into my bedroom, in order to burn the cabinets and destroy archives were the unmistakable calling card of Stalin, since only he could have been interested in their destruction.

It is difficult to describe on this occasion, how filled with joy and euphoria grandfather was at having emerged alive from this first failed attempt at assassination. Only the discovery of the absence of the guard on duty, Sheldon Hart, cast a shadow over the atmosphere.

But Lev Davidovitch knew that the break would be short and that his days were numbered. Every day when he got up he said, “Natasha, they have given us one more day of life.”

The question was, where would the next attempt come from? So much so that when he suffered the fatal attack, covered with blood, his glasses broken, standing in the door frame, when Natalia rushed up to him, he only exclaimed: “Jackson!” and pointed to the assassin who was pinned down by the guards, as if to say, “That’s where what we were expecting came from”!
My reuniting with grandfather was in Mexico, in August 1939, a year before his assassination. I was 13 years old at the time, and arrived from France with the Rosmers, old friends of my grandparents.

My memories of Lev Davidovitch during this last chapter, this last year of his existence, are very sharp and clear. It is difficult for me to describe with words, to impart the image of the living being, of the revolutionary with the magnitude and the brilliance of Leon Trotsky.

He was a human being of exceptional intelligence, and of total, absolute commitment to the struggle for socialism. His whole personality was shaped by the framework of this struggle. He was generous, supportive, patiently explaining and politically educating the comrades, with a great sense of humor, creating a jovial and warm atmosphere around him.

He was a tireless worker, not wasting a minute of his existence, radiating vitality and optimism. He had great admiration for human labor, where he did not permit privileges or distinctions. The word fear did not exist in his vocabulary.

What most impressed me about his person was his absolute certainty, his immovable confidence in the coming of socialism in the future of humanity.
A certainty that he acquired through his experiences of life, of having participated as a key personage and privileged observer in one of the most notable and astounding events in the history of humanity, the Russian Bolshevik Revolution, which in its beginning laid the basis for genuine socialism, and which later due to the adverse historical circumstances of the time degenerated under the blows of a counterrevolution. At least it demonstrated once and for all that socialism is a tangible and achievable reality.

Those of us who do not accept that there is eternal life, do believe in the immortality of ideas.

Leon Trotsky had such an active and prolific mind in analyzing, elaborating theses and political slogans, that he transcribed and bequeathed to us an immense and inexhaustible arsenal of Marxist ideology and theory, the fruit of more than 40 years of revolutionary struggle, such that I venture to say that Leon Trotsky is still with us. His immense Marxist legacy enables us to analyze and understand all the past and present historical happenings, and to plan the future.

In the face of the increasingly voracious and brutal capitalist regime of today, in speaking of the socialist revolution, the words of Leon Trotsky come to mind: “Never was there a greater task on earth. The Party demands everything of us, totally and completely. In exchange, it gives us the immense satisfaction of participating in building a better future and carrying on our backs a particle of humanity’s greatest dream, and that our life will not have been lived in vain.”

Leon Trotsky’s last message to Joe Hansen was: “I am sure of the triumph of the Fourth International. Forward!”

This has not yet been accomplished. This is the duty and it is also the task to be carried out by the comrades who fight with the example and the ideas of the great revolutionary Leon Trotsky.

Let us remember his words:

“My faith in the socialist future of mankind is not less ardent, indeed it is firmer today, than it was in the days of my youth.

“Natasha has just come up to the window from the courtyard and opened it wider so that the air may enter more freely into my room. I can see the bright green strip of grass beneath the wall, and the clear blue sky above the wall, and sunlight everywhere. Life is beautiful. Let the future generations cleanse it of all evil, oppression and violence, and enjoy it to the full.”

Thank you.
Esteban Volkov
21 August 2009

RED DAVE
25th December 2009, 23:34
Trotsky's Murderer – a KGB agent (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ram%C3%B3n_Mercader)

I knew, slightly, Harold Robbins, the head of Trotsky's bodyguard. He was a working class militant in the painters union in New York. I heard him speak on the assassination in the mid-70s. It was obvious that, emotionally, in some ways he had never gotten by what had happened.

RED DAVE

mykittyhasaboner
25th December 2009, 23:42
With all due respect to Trotsky and without intentional offense to those who uphold his politics--what in the world did the 4th International do that could be considered triumphant?

FSL
26th December 2009, 00:03
With all due respect to Trotsky and without intentional offense to those who uphold his politics--what in the world did the 4th International do that could be considered triumphant?


Broke the world record on consecutive splits?

RedScare
27th December 2009, 06:57
Bah. I really wish Trotskyists would get their act together, grow up a bit, and merge a few of this internationals together. They're really wasting Trotsky's legacy.

Niccolò Rossi
28th December 2009, 01:15
Fred, is Sieva a militant of the LFI? I think it would be really interesting if he was. Does anyone have any other info about Trotsky's decendants and their political activity and affiliation?

Jimmie Higgins
28th December 2009, 02:34
With all due respect to Trotsky and without intentional offense to those who uphold his politics--what in the world did the 4th International do that could be considered triumphant?A very legitimate question. Really they were not able to accomplish much due to their small size and influence compared to Marxist-Leninist parties. I think the inability to gain a larger voice and frustration with this is the primary reason for the splits as various people upholding what they saw as the real Bolshevik tradition tried to implement different strategies to begin to gain a wider hearing.

Generally, from my perspective, the main contribution of many of the groups after Trotsky was carrying the torch of Bolshevism that saw the USSR as a failure to achieve socialism and rejected state-ownership (without worker's power) and "socialism in one country" as viable examples of socialism.

Lenny Nista
28th December 2009, 02:40
With all due respect to Trotsky and without intentional offense to those who uphold his politics--what in the world did the 4th International do that could be considered triumphant?

upheld the legacy of the Bolshevik party internationally and ensured the survival of revolutionary marxist-leninist (in the true sense) ideas for another generation. It also elaborated a programme for international socialist revolution in opposition to the attempts by Stalinism to destroy all memory of such - and they would have succeeded without the forming of the 4th.

Read Trotsky's reply to Isaac Deustcher (a great admirer of his), when the latter asked why he bothered discussing programmatic points with tiny groups, wen he had previously led a revolutionary army. Trotsky replied that if he hadn't led the Red Army someone else owuld have but that the discussions with vanguard elements over an itnernational strategy and programme for a period of imperialism and stalinism, was the most improtant work he had ever done. I think he was right.

Intelligitimate
28th December 2009, 02:42
Can't...contain...myself....

-----------

In a Compound
Down in Mexico
Hiding from the
Comintern
Like Karl Kautsky, Leon Trotsky's
Writings made our stomachs turn

O Mercador, O Mercador
O Mercador, O dear Ramon
For twenty years you were lost to us
Now you've found your way back home

Leon's speeches, very wordy, blowing bubbles, soft and fine
Called the Party bureaucratic cause he did not like it's line

O Mercador, O Mercador
O Mercador, O dear Ramon
For twenty years you were lost to us
Now you've found your way back home

Went Mercador to see Trotsky
1940 was the date
Criticized him with an ice pick
Only fifteen years too late

[Refrain]

Trotsky will be long remembered for one thing we all know well
Cost a comrade just to off him twenty years inside a cell

[refrain]

This constitutes trolling and flaming, verbal and PM warning.

blake 3:17
28th December 2009, 02:59
You should contain yourself. Dissing the leader of the victorious Red Army? Bye.

I've always loved: “Natasha has just come up to the window from the courtyard and opened it wider so that the air may enter more freely into my room. I can see the bright green strip of grass beneath the wall, and the clear blue sky above the wall, and sunlight everywhere. Life is beautiful. Let the future generations cleanse it of all evil, oppression and violence, and enjoy it to the full.”


So beautiful.

fredbergen
28th December 2009, 12:27
Hello all, first there seems to be a reading comprehension problem from MyKitty: the title of the speech is that the triumph of the 4th International, i.e. world proletarian revolution, is a task that is still to be fulfilled, meaning it has not yet been achieved. In fact we are still far from it, the 4th International was destroyed by Pabloism and needs to be re-forged.

To redscare, well, for example in Mexico there are Trotskyists of the Grupo Internacionalista who fought for a worker and student general strike to support the electrical workers ... and there are "trotskyists" who opposed solidarity strikes in order to support the popular front around Andrés Manuel López Obrador. (See the articles in the latest issue of The Internationalist (http://www.internationalist.org/int30toc.html)). What's needed is revolutionary regroupment on the basis of political clarification, not opportunist unity with the betrayers of Marxism, no matter what they may call themselves.

fredbergen
28th December 2009, 12:49
From The Internationalist no. 30:


In practice, the POS has precisely lined up with the lopezobradoristas to sabotage the possibility of mobilizations in support of the SME at the National University. At a November 3 assembly at CCH-Sur (a preparatory school of the UNAM), its spokesmen voted against the proposal for a shutdown put forward by our comrades of the Comité Internacionalista as well as by other collectives. They followed this up by joining together with supporters of the Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (PRT –Revolutionary Workers Party), the rotting remains of the pseudo-Trotskyist organization that for many years financed itself with government subsidies to parties and parliamentary deputies, to make a common front together with the school authorities – who provided them with sound equipment and produced a scab leaflet for them – to prevent a shutdown of that campus on November 4. Our comrades, in contrast, fought against this perspective of betrayal and explained to the hundreds of students who flocked to the assemblies exactly what the role of the popular front is: to drown the workers’ struggles.

How can you unite with those who are on the other side of the barricades?

mykittyhasaboner
28th December 2009, 15:53
first there seems to be a reading comprehension problem from MyKitty: the title of the speech is that the triumph of the 4th International, i.e. world proletarian revolution, is a task that is still to be fulfilled, meaning it has not yet been achieved. In fact we are still far from it, the 4th International was destroyed by Pabloism and needs to be re-forged.OK so if I have a reading comprehension problem then why did you just effectively prove my point that the 4th international has done little but split itself up for it's entire existence, and there fore has done nothing triumphant? "The triumph of the 4th international" is just a bit misleading of a title--that's all. It's all well and good if you acknowledge that the world proletarian revolution is the way for the 4th to triumph, but this would be assuming that the international (or more specifically, any of the various "internationals" claiming to be the "4th international") has had any significant involvement of accomplishing that task hitherto.

I understand that this was just a speech given on the anniversary of Trotsky's death, and it's mostly about his life and experiences. However maybe it would have been more relevant to speak about the possibility of actually "re-forging" the international, instead of reminiscing about Trotsky. Surely he would have preferred the former.

Lenny Nista
28th December 2009, 16:03
OK so if I have a reading comprehension problem then why did you just effectively prove my point that the 4th international has done little but split itself up for it's entire existence, and there fore has done nothing triumphant? "The triumph of the 4th international" is just a bit misleading of a title--that's all. It's all well and good if you acknowledge that the world proletarian revolution is the way for the 4th to triumph, but this would be assuming that the international (or more specifically, any of the various "internationals" claiming to be the "4th international") has had any significant involvement of accomplishing that task hitherto.

I understand that this was just a speech given on the anniversary of Trotsky's death, and it's mostly about his life and experiences. However maybe it would have been more relevant to speak about the possibility of actually "re-forging" the international, instead of reminiscing about Trotsky. Surely he would have preferred the former.

Sorry, it's a bit of a moot point to argue that a "world proletarian revolution would be the way for the 4th Itnernational to triumph". Obviously, but how do you aim to get there? How is the working class supposed to throw off bourgeois reformist ideology without na alternative, comprehensive program to win it away from that? I would say that believing that this will happen spontaneously, when all the institutions of the borugeois state and the reformist breuacracies will make every effort to divert any revolution into a reformist dead end, is much mroe fantastical than talking about the "triumph fo the 4th International".

So I would say it is the other way round - the proletarian reovlution can't triumph without a transitional program - i.e. the programmatic basis of the 4th International.

which leads us to: if you therefore want to reforge the 4th International, on what basis? On the basis of the Program which Trotsky hammered out with his allies? In which case, surely there's no contradiction between fighting for that and fighting to defend the historical memory of the 4th...in fact one is impossible without the other, I would say.

The program of the 4th International was the most advanced program that the world working class has managed to conquest through its struggles and the fight to defend it from liquidationist attempts to "surpass" it (which always mean building a reformist international along the lines of the 2nd or some kind of halfway house between both, i.e. a historical retreat not an advance) is the same as the struggle to defend the theoretical gains of marxism from the influences of the ideology of our class enemy.

mykittyhasaboner
28th December 2009, 16:06
Sorry, it's a bit of a moot point to argue that a "world proletarian revolution would be the way for the 4th Itnernational to triumph". Obviously, but how do you aim to get there? How is the working class supposed to throw off bourgeois reformist ideology without na alternative, comprehensive program to win it away from that? I would say that believing that this will happen spontaneously, when all the institutions of the borugeois state and the reformist breuacracies will make every effort to divert any revolution into a reformist dead end, is much mroe fantastical than talking about the "triumph fo the 4th International".

So I would say it is the other way round - the proletarian reovlution can't triumph without a transitional program - i.e. the programmatic basis of the 4th International.

which leads us to: if you therefore want to reforge the 4th International, on what basis? On the basis of the Program which Trotsky hammered out with his allies? In which case, surely there's no contradiction between fighting for that and fighting to defend the historical memory of the 4th...in fact one is impossible without the other, I would say.
Was this post directed at me? I'm not arguing on behalf of the "4th international".

Lenny Nista
28th December 2009, 16:11
Well you said this:


However maybe it would have been more relevant to speak about the possibility of actually "re-forging" the international, instead of reminiscing about Trotsky. Surely he would have preferred the former.

However if you're not arguing to reforge the former, then fine, what do you propose?

mykittyhasaboner
28th December 2009, 16:18
Well you said this:

Well I said that because if the OP is talking about "re-forging" the 4th international, it would make more sense to post a discussion or debate, or something of the sort relevant to the tasks that need to be taken to re forge it. Instead the speech is mostly about Trotsky himself. I understand how this can be relevant to the task of "re-forging" his international but since Trotsky is dead and gone, it would be more productive to perhaps talk about merging the various groups that branched off the 4th. I don't know, it's just a suggestion--I have nothing to do with Trotskyism or any attempt to re-forge the 4th international.




However if you're not arguing to reforge the former, then fine, what do you propose?I don't particularity propose any one strategy or organization. I'm sorry but I wasn't assuming that its on me to propose an alternative--I'm just one person. Surely we should be striving for another worker's international or something of the same kind of tradition, that would definitely be a step forward. However I don't think we need to "re-forge" an international that was never very effective to begin with. This is my only point behind everything I've said in this discussion.

Lenny Nista
28th December 2009, 16:30
Right...well in that case, I'm sure your advice is "well intentioned", but I'm afraid it's usueless, as you clearly don't understand the relationship between upholding the memory of the 4th International and fighting to reforge it...but now it's been explained, is there any need for you to keep asking?



I don't particularity propose any one strategy or organization. I'm sorry but I wasn't assuming that its on me to propose an alternative--I'm just one person. Surely we should be striving for another worker's international or something of the same kind of tradition, that would definitely be a step forward. However I don't think we need to "re-forge" an international that was never very effective to begin with. This is my only point behind everything I've said in this discussion.


Right...I disagree, as the program of the 4th International is still relevant today, and nobody has elaborated a better international program, and if it weren't for the efforts of the 4th, then we wouldn't have this program today. It's pretty voluntaristic to say that revolutionaries must triumph in all situations or else their efforts were a failure...the historical worth of the 4th International is that it conserved revolutionary marxism.

And yes until you show me a better program, I'll hold onto that belief, thanks...

mykittyhasaboner
28th December 2009, 16:55
Right...well in that case, I'm sure your advice is "well intentioned", but I'm afraid it's usueless, as you clearly don't understand the relationship between upholding the memory of the 4th International and fighting to reforge it...but now it's been explained, is there any need for you to keep asking?

I never asked that question, nor do I have any interest in upholding the "memory" of the 4th international, or fighting to reforge it.

I never intended on giving advice, so I don't care if it's useless. Clearly, I understand that the 4th international is not worth enough to want to "re-forge" it. If you disagree then fine, I really don't care.




And yes until you show me a better program, I'll hold onto that belief, thanks...

That's fucking terrific for you. :lol:

I'll believe it's worth the time when Trotskyists lead a revolution. To be honest I hope your successful in "reforging" whatever the hell it is you want to reforge, I just doubt it's going to happen.

Lenny Nista
28th December 2009, 17:12
I never asked that question, nor do I have any interest in upholding the "memory" of the 4th international, or fighting to reforge it.

I never intended on giving advice, so I don't care if it's useless. Clearly, I understand that the 4th international is not worth enough to want to "re-forge" it. If you disagree then fine, I really don't care.





That's fucking terrific for you. :lol:

I'll believe it's worth the time when Trotskyists lead a revolution. To be honest I hope your successful in "reforging" whatever the hell it is you want to reforge, I just doubt it's going to happen.

So what were you in the thread for? :confused: I had assumed you were, you know, trying to convince Trotskyists not to waste their time on reforgin the 4th, and follow your superior strategy, which is what anyone with faith in their own tendency would do. Or at least that we should "spend mote time on reforging the 4th and less on upholding the memory of it" as you initially "suggested" we should (though now you dney giving "advice").

But it seems you're one of those who just "speaks because the air is free"...don't they call that "trolling"?