Holden Caulfield
22nd November 2009, 15:41
Let me first state I mean this to be a discussion about his work in their own context.
I once had an msn debate with Kindles on whether Locke was a bourgeois radical, that is to say he was a progressive voice, who aimed salvos at the autocratic feudalist monarchy. However he disagreed, stating that after the glorious revolution the monarchs powers actually increased (I think this was his line of thought, i could be wrong).
Do people think that Locke was a 'radical' in what he said and supported or not?
..............................................
EDIT: MY ESSAY ON THE SUBJECT
Through the course of this essay we shall attempt to prove that John Locke was, and therefore can be considered to be, a radical thinker[1] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn1): That is to say somebody who’s ideas, and perhaps to a lesser degree who’s actions, represent a progressive step in the political development of a nation and a break from traditional modes of governance and thought. [2] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn2) We shall do this by looking at four selected points of debate, they are: the context in which Locke wrote, the Social Contract (SC), the Right of Revolution, and finally we shall discuss Property and Class Politics.
As with any individual Locke’s ideas changed over time, the most drastic change occurring after coming under the patronage of Whig Politician Lord Shaftesbury, we shall be focussing on Locke in the period after this shift in thinking as it was in this time he was most active and when his magnum opus ‘Two Treatises Of Government’ was written. We shall neglect to discuss Locke’s earlier writings in which he proclaims of himself: “there is no one can have a greater respect and veneration for authority than I”[3] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn3), partly because he himself negated such views in his later works, and partly because they do not represent such a significant section of his political writings.
It is prudent to give context to the times Locke wrote in, that is the period following the English Civil War when the monarchy had been restored and the Exclusion Crisis had taken place. The monarchy was aiming to reassert its power and Stewart monarchs attempted to circumnavigate parliament and establish an absolutist regime akin to that of Louis XIV in France. Affectively this was a form of counter revolution against the restraints put on monarchy after the victory of parliament in the War. This was resolved by inviting William and Mary to take up the monarchy, albeit with restrictions on their power[4] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn4) .The political and ideological resistance to absolutism came from those who placed liberty and property at the centre of political theory, the Liberals. Locke has been called the “founding father of Liberalism”[5] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn5) and in this essay we shall outline why.
Unlike his contemporary Robert Filmer, Locke was a Social Contract Theorist. Filmer supported the Stewart conception that the monarch was the hereditary beneficiary of the ‘divine right of the King’ on the basis that God had given Adam kingship of the world, this, to Filmer, demonstrated that monarchy was the divinely ordained form of government. With this assertion came the ideas that the monarch was a ‘father’ to his subjects who had the right to (among other things) ‘instruct’[6] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn6) people as he willed thus giving a monarch justification for the wielding of absolute power[7] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn7).
The Social Contract (SC) method “proved useful to radical and liberal theorists”[8] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn8) as it assumed an equality of man and an agreement between sovereign and subject not found in other theories. The use of Social Contract Theory (SCT) alone, however, does not make Locke’s ideas radical. Thomas Hobbes had also been a proponent of a Social Contract but, as we will discuss later, the actions of Hobbes sovereign were not based upon the consent of the people[9] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn9). One can consider the use of SCT to be a radical form for basing arguments, however it is the terms of this contract that make Locke a radical in a way Hobbes was not. Both Filmer and Hobbes differ from Locke as he states “The ruler [should] not stand opposite the people, he is one of them, but entrusted with exceptional duties”[10] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn10). This quote gives reference to Hobbes’ sovereign, who in not being party to any binding clauses of the social contract is placed above the people as an absolutist sovereign.
Locke argued that in the state of nature exists an “equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another” and therefore “[people] should be equal between amongst another without subordination or subjection”[11] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn11) . Also stated is that there exists a ‘Law of Nature’ this is the drive one has to “preserve himself” and a duty to try and “preserve the rest of mankind”[12] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn12). In political society[13] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn13) these factors necessitate the existence of a system of government that ensures “the Liberty of man [... is] under no other legislative power, but that established by consent”.[14] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn14)
“Men being, as has been said, by nature, all free, equal and independent, no one can be put out of this estate and subjected to the political power of another, without his own consent”[15] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn15)
This concept has several consequences; firstly the sovereign must act in a way that ensures continuing consent, that is to say that the sovereign must act within the interests of the people. Although not rule by the people, this ensures a proto-democratic system of rule for the people. This is in stark contrast to the opinion expressed by Charles II, when he was recorded speaking of his subjects “due obedience to the sovereign”[16] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn16), drawing on the concept of subjects duty to the sovereign rather than the sovereign’s duty to their subjects.
The Sovereign, according to Locke, ceases to hold authority over their subjects when the consent of the people is lost. When the sovereign ceases to uphold the SC and act in the interests of the people Locke states they are “acting contrary to their trust”[17] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn17) and have thus forfeited their own position. When the consented form of government is “by the arbitrary power [...] altered without consent”[18] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn18) then the sovereign is breaking the SC, this idea is distinct from Hobbes thought that “words without the sword, are but words”[19] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn19), that is to say that power can and should be used to enforce the will of the sovereign.
Locke’s ideas are radical in so much as they break from the accepted ideas of Hobbes and Filmer, such as an unaccountable sovereign, but also because they justify radical acts such as the Whigs role in the Exclusion Crisis or in their resistance to Popery. The ascension of a Catholic monarch would to Locke, break the SC as Catholics are bound to follow a Roman Pope, thus altering the legislature. Hobbes was against impeaching the sovereign as he imagined it would lead to a return to the state of nature where life was “nasty, brutish [and] short”[20] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn20), therefore enduring the rule of a tyrant was better than removing them, Locke however stated that this act would keep us in civil society from which a new government can be established. This is an important distinction as Hobbes prediction coerces the people, holding them hostage with the threat of a ‘return to nature’, to dissuade them from dissenting. The need for consent and the removal of authority when this is lost, coupled with the idea that society would not end with the sovereigns rule are the foundations of Locke’s most radical proposal, that there exists a right of revolution.
As already stated revolution was justified by Locke; when the sovereign broke the SC they “put themselves into a state of war with the people”[21] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn21), therefore the citizens had both the right to, and a duty to remove them and establish a new sovereign. Some question Locke’s meaning on ‘revolution’, such as Lloyd Thomas who asked “whether Locke’s position would permit forcible [...] resistance”[22] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn22). To this one can claim that when the sovereign breaches their trust they become subject to the law of nature, and therefore subjects have a right to resist the aggressor “with force”[23] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn23), “thus sanctioning tyrannicide”[24] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn24). It is fair to say that in both words and in deeds Locke supported the use of lethal force if necessary, he had “been friendly with, and put up in his lodgings, Robert Weiss”[25] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn25) a central conspirator in the Rye House Assassination Plot as well as being strongly linked to the Monmouth Rebellion[26] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn26). There was enough suspicion of his allegiances to warrant him fleeing to Holland to live as an exile for 6 years; another indication Locke was not part of the conservative milieu of his era.
Lloyd Thomas questioning continues asking if justification would be given to “resistance to a government violating the rights of some of its citizens if the majority were not moved to withdraw its trust”.[27] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn27) In answer to this there are many possible answers (in regards to varying situations), however one can assume that Locke would justify if it was the interests of ‘his’ strata of society being infringed. It is reasonable to state that Locke is a radical precisely because of this bias, because he “[identified] the interests of the nation with the interests of its investing and trading classes”[28] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn28) making a progressive step forwards from feudalist views of the national interest. To further demonstrate Locke’s radical ‘Bourgeois Ideology’ one can look at his formulation of property rights.
Locke stated that God had given the earth to mankind, however “he gave it to the use of the industrious and rational [...] not the fancy”[29] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn29) this statement is qualified by the assertion that “largeness of landownership [...] is tied to an exchange of its ‘useful products’”[30] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn30). These two statements are an attack, by the mercantile bourgeois, at a landed aristocracy. This attack can be taken literally; that Locke thinks leisurely estates should be made productive for the benefit of the nation. However one can also infer that Locke is writing of the political power and authority, stating that the dominant economic, and most productive, class should be the political authority in the nation as it is by their industry that the nation is wealthy.
“The political message [...] was clear enough: Artisans, small gentry, yeoman farmers, tradesmen and merchants were all productive members of society and ought, therefore, to unite in the pursuit of their interests against the idle and wasteful landowning aristocracy”[31] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn31).
There also exists a wealth of ‘circumstantial’ evidence to highlight Locke’s radicalism, for example although printed in 1689 the ‘Two Treatises of Government’ is now thought to have been written before the Glorious Revolution in 1683. This is significant as it transforms the work from being a justification or apology for an already successful revolution into being a call for a revolution. The reason for the delay in publication can be seen as being down to fear of reprisals such as being tried for treason for undermining the authority of the monarch, hardly the actions of one who is not ‘radical’. In fact it could be reasonably argued that it was published when it was because “the installation of William and Mary was not as radical as he [Locke] had hoped”[32] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn32). Secondly there is evidence to link Locke with, as mentioned, the conspirators of the Rye House Plot and the ‘Green Ribbon Club’[33] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn33) (an insurrectionary intra-class organisation). Lastly[34] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn34) Shaftesbury’s political convictions also add to the case for Locke radicalism: “Shaftesbury was the most vehement supporter of the idea of rebellion [and] it can scarcely be doubted that Locke shared his patrons view”[35] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn35).
Locke was a radical thinker due to his mode of thought; his use of a Social Contract based on consent of the people would be adopted by radical thinkers in the French and American Revolutions and signifies the radical nature of his thought. It can be claimed he is politically radical “simply [because of], the relevance of [his] argument to an existing political movement within his society”[36] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn36). This relevance is due to him being among the first proponents of Liberalism and of bourgeois political theory, because he stressed the centrality of ‘life, liberty and property’.
[1] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref1) “as a description of their location on the far left end of the political spectrum as existed during the period of their activities” – Richard Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ (New Jersey: Princeton University Press 1986) xvii
[2] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref2) Oxford English Dictionary Online ‘Entry: Radical’ (http://www.askoxford.com/concise_oed/radical?view=uk (http://www.askoxford.com/concise_oed/radical?view=uk) 28 November 2009)
[3] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref3) John Locke ‘Two Tracts on Government’ ed. Philip Abrams (London: Cambridge University Press: 1967) 119
[4] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref4) Restrictions such as the inability to keep a standing army, or to raise taxes independently of parliament, for example.
[5] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref5)Richard Ashcraft & J.G. Pocock ‘John Locke’ (Los Angeles: University of California 1980) 12
[6] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref6) Robert Filmer ‘Patriarcha and Other Writings’ ed. J.P Somerville (London: Cambridge University Press 1991) 12
[7] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref7) The absolute power of a father over a child, and the existence biblical evidence used by Filmer to support this is something successfully contested by Locke in his ‘First Treatise of Government’
[8] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref8) R.I Aaron ‘John Locke’ (London: Oxford University Press 1937) 275
[9] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref9) Hobbes would disagree upon this point, however there is a gulf of difference between his idea that there exists a reasonable choice between consenting to tyranny and consenting to be outlawed and killed and Locke’s conception of the consent of the people.
[10] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref10) Aaron ‘John Locke’ 276
[11] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref11) John Locke ‘The Second Treatise of Government’ (London: Fletcher & Son 1976) 4
[12] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref12) Locke ‘The Second Treatise of Government’ 5
[13] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref13) A full account of how and why one moves from a State of Nature to a Political Society cannot be given in this essay due to extraneous constraints
[14] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref14) Massimo Salvadori ed. ‘Locke and Liberty: Selections from the Works of John Locke’ (London: Pall Mall Press 1959) xxxvii
[15] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref15) Locke ‘The Second Treatise of Government’ 49
[16] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref16) Richard Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ (New Jersey: Princeton University Press 1986) 17
[17] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref17) Locke ‘The Second Treatise of Government’ 109
[18] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref18)Locke ‘The Second Treatise of Government’ 106
[19] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref19) Thomas Hobbes cited from: E.J Lowe ‘Locke’ (London: Routledge 2005) 172
[20] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref20) Thomas Hobbes ‘Leviathan’ (http://books.google.com/books?id=-Q4nPYeps6MC&printsec=frontcover&dq=leviathan#v=onepage&q=&f=false (http://books.google.com/books?id=-Q4nPYeps6MC&printsec=frontcover&dq=leviathan#v=onepage&q=&f=false) 28 November 2009) 86
[21] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref21) Locke ‘The Second Treatise of Government’ 109
[22] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref22) Lloyd Thomas ‘Routledge Philosophy Guidebook to Locke on Government’ (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006) 72
[23] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref23)V. Chappell ‘The Cambridge Companion to Locke’ (London: Cambridge University Press 1994) Richard Ashcraft Chapter 9, ‘Locke’s Political Philosophy’ 230
[24] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref24) Ashcraft ‘Locke’s Political Philosophy’ 230
[25] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref25)Ashcraft & Pocock ‘John Locke’ 46
[26] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref26) Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ 144
[27] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref27) Thomas ‘Routledge Philosophy Guidebook to Locke on Government’ 72
[28] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref28) Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ 84
[29] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref29) Salvadori ‘Locke and Liberty: Selections from the Works of John Locke’ 156
[30] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref30) Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ 279
[31] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref31) Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ 281
[32] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref32) E.J. Lowe ‘Locke’ (London: Routledge 2005) 161
[33] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref33) Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ 144
[34] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref34) Space will not allow further exploration of this evidence in this essay.
[35] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref35) Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ 87
[36] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref36) Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ 16
I once had an msn debate with Kindles on whether Locke was a bourgeois radical, that is to say he was a progressive voice, who aimed salvos at the autocratic feudalist monarchy. However he disagreed, stating that after the glorious revolution the monarchs powers actually increased (I think this was his line of thought, i could be wrong).
Do people think that Locke was a 'radical' in what he said and supported or not?
..............................................
EDIT: MY ESSAY ON THE SUBJECT
Through the course of this essay we shall attempt to prove that John Locke was, and therefore can be considered to be, a radical thinker[1] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn1): That is to say somebody who’s ideas, and perhaps to a lesser degree who’s actions, represent a progressive step in the political development of a nation and a break from traditional modes of governance and thought. [2] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn2) We shall do this by looking at four selected points of debate, they are: the context in which Locke wrote, the Social Contract (SC), the Right of Revolution, and finally we shall discuss Property and Class Politics.
As with any individual Locke’s ideas changed over time, the most drastic change occurring after coming under the patronage of Whig Politician Lord Shaftesbury, we shall be focussing on Locke in the period after this shift in thinking as it was in this time he was most active and when his magnum opus ‘Two Treatises Of Government’ was written. We shall neglect to discuss Locke’s earlier writings in which he proclaims of himself: “there is no one can have a greater respect and veneration for authority than I”[3] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn3), partly because he himself negated such views in his later works, and partly because they do not represent such a significant section of his political writings.
It is prudent to give context to the times Locke wrote in, that is the period following the English Civil War when the monarchy had been restored and the Exclusion Crisis had taken place. The monarchy was aiming to reassert its power and Stewart monarchs attempted to circumnavigate parliament and establish an absolutist regime akin to that of Louis XIV in France. Affectively this was a form of counter revolution against the restraints put on monarchy after the victory of parliament in the War. This was resolved by inviting William and Mary to take up the monarchy, albeit with restrictions on their power[4] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn4) .The political and ideological resistance to absolutism came from those who placed liberty and property at the centre of political theory, the Liberals. Locke has been called the “founding father of Liberalism”[5] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn5) and in this essay we shall outline why.
Unlike his contemporary Robert Filmer, Locke was a Social Contract Theorist. Filmer supported the Stewart conception that the monarch was the hereditary beneficiary of the ‘divine right of the King’ on the basis that God had given Adam kingship of the world, this, to Filmer, demonstrated that monarchy was the divinely ordained form of government. With this assertion came the ideas that the monarch was a ‘father’ to his subjects who had the right to (among other things) ‘instruct’[6] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn6) people as he willed thus giving a monarch justification for the wielding of absolute power[7] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn7).
The Social Contract (SC) method “proved useful to radical and liberal theorists”[8] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn8) as it assumed an equality of man and an agreement between sovereign and subject not found in other theories. The use of Social Contract Theory (SCT) alone, however, does not make Locke’s ideas radical. Thomas Hobbes had also been a proponent of a Social Contract but, as we will discuss later, the actions of Hobbes sovereign were not based upon the consent of the people[9] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn9). One can consider the use of SCT to be a radical form for basing arguments, however it is the terms of this contract that make Locke a radical in a way Hobbes was not. Both Filmer and Hobbes differ from Locke as he states “The ruler [should] not stand opposite the people, he is one of them, but entrusted with exceptional duties”[10] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn10). This quote gives reference to Hobbes’ sovereign, who in not being party to any binding clauses of the social contract is placed above the people as an absolutist sovereign.
Locke argued that in the state of nature exists an “equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another” and therefore “[people] should be equal between amongst another without subordination or subjection”[11] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn11) . Also stated is that there exists a ‘Law of Nature’ this is the drive one has to “preserve himself” and a duty to try and “preserve the rest of mankind”[12] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn12). In political society[13] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn13) these factors necessitate the existence of a system of government that ensures “the Liberty of man [... is] under no other legislative power, but that established by consent”.[14] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn14)
“Men being, as has been said, by nature, all free, equal and independent, no one can be put out of this estate and subjected to the political power of another, without his own consent”[15] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn15)
This concept has several consequences; firstly the sovereign must act in a way that ensures continuing consent, that is to say that the sovereign must act within the interests of the people. Although not rule by the people, this ensures a proto-democratic system of rule for the people. This is in stark contrast to the opinion expressed by Charles II, when he was recorded speaking of his subjects “due obedience to the sovereign”[16] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn16), drawing on the concept of subjects duty to the sovereign rather than the sovereign’s duty to their subjects.
The Sovereign, according to Locke, ceases to hold authority over their subjects when the consent of the people is lost. When the sovereign ceases to uphold the SC and act in the interests of the people Locke states they are “acting contrary to their trust”[17] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn17) and have thus forfeited their own position. When the consented form of government is “by the arbitrary power [...] altered without consent”[18] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn18) then the sovereign is breaking the SC, this idea is distinct from Hobbes thought that “words without the sword, are but words”[19] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn19), that is to say that power can and should be used to enforce the will of the sovereign.
Locke’s ideas are radical in so much as they break from the accepted ideas of Hobbes and Filmer, such as an unaccountable sovereign, but also because they justify radical acts such as the Whigs role in the Exclusion Crisis or in their resistance to Popery. The ascension of a Catholic monarch would to Locke, break the SC as Catholics are bound to follow a Roman Pope, thus altering the legislature. Hobbes was against impeaching the sovereign as he imagined it would lead to a return to the state of nature where life was “nasty, brutish [and] short”[20] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn20), therefore enduring the rule of a tyrant was better than removing them, Locke however stated that this act would keep us in civil society from which a new government can be established. This is an important distinction as Hobbes prediction coerces the people, holding them hostage with the threat of a ‘return to nature’, to dissuade them from dissenting. The need for consent and the removal of authority when this is lost, coupled with the idea that society would not end with the sovereigns rule are the foundations of Locke’s most radical proposal, that there exists a right of revolution.
As already stated revolution was justified by Locke; when the sovereign broke the SC they “put themselves into a state of war with the people”[21] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn21), therefore the citizens had both the right to, and a duty to remove them and establish a new sovereign. Some question Locke’s meaning on ‘revolution’, such as Lloyd Thomas who asked “whether Locke’s position would permit forcible [...] resistance”[22] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn22). To this one can claim that when the sovereign breaches their trust they become subject to the law of nature, and therefore subjects have a right to resist the aggressor “with force”[23] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn23), “thus sanctioning tyrannicide”[24] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn24). It is fair to say that in both words and in deeds Locke supported the use of lethal force if necessary, he had “been friendly with, and put up in his lodgings, Robert Weiss”[25] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn25) a central conspirator in the Rye House Assassination Plot as well as being strongly linked to the Monmouth Rebellion[26] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn26). There was enough suspicion of his allegiances to warrant him fleeing to Holland to live as an exile for 6 years; another indication Locke was not part of the conservative milieu of his era.
Lloyd Thomas questioning continues asking if justification would be given to “resistance to a government violating the rights of some of its citizens if the majority were not moved to withdraw its trust”.[27] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn27) In answer to this there are many possible answers (in regards to varying situations), however one can assume that Locke would justify if it was the interests of ‘his’ strata of society being infringed. It is reasonable to state that Locke is a radical precisely because of this bias, because he “[identified] the interests of the nation with the interests of its investing and trading classes”[28] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn28) making a progressive step forwards from feudalist views of the national interest. To further demonstrate Locke’s radical ‘Bourgeois Ideology’ one can look at his formulation of property rights.
Locke stated that God had given the earth to mankind, however “he gave it to the use of the industrious and rational [...] not the fancy”[29] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn29) this statement is qualified by the assertion that “largeness of landownership [...] is tied to an exchange of its ‘useful products’”[30] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn30). These two statements are an attack, by the mercantile bourgeois, at a landed aristocracy. This attack can be taken literally; that Locke thinks leisurely estates should be made productive for the benefit of the nation. However one can also infer that Locke is writing of the political power and authority, stating that the dominant economic, and most productive, class should be the political authority in the nation as it is by their industry that the nation is wealthy.
“The political message [...] was clear enough: Artisans, small gentry, yeoman farmers, tradesmen and merchants were all productive members of society and ought, therefore, to unite in the pursuit of their interests against the idle and wasteful landowning aristocracy”[31] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn31).
There also exists a wealth of ‘circumstantial’ evidence to highlight Locke’s radicalism, for example although printed in 1689 the ‘Two Treatises of Government’ is now thought to have been written before the Glorious Revolution in 1683. This is significant as it transforms the work from being a justification or apology for an already successful revolution into being a call for a revolution. The reason for the delay in publication can be seen as being down to fear of reprisals such as being tried for treason for undermining the authority of the monarch, hardly the actions of one who is not ‘radical’. In fact it could be reasonably argued that it was published when it was because “the installation of William and Mary was not as radical as he [Locke] had hoped”[32] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn32). Secondly there is evidence to link Locke with, as mentioned, the conspirators of the Rye House Plot and the ‘Green Ribbon Club’[33] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn33) (an insurrectionary intra-class organisation). Lastly[34] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn34) Shaftesbury’s political convictions also add to the case for Locke radicalism: “Shaftesbury was the most vehement supporter of the idea of rebellion [and] it can scarcely be doubted that Locke shared his patrons view”[35] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn35).
Locke was a radical thinker due to his mode of thought; his use of a Social Contract based on consent of the people would be adopted by radical thinkers in the French and American Revolutions and signifies the radical nature of his thought. It can be claimed he is politically radical “simply [because of], the relevance of [his] argument to an existing political movement within his society”[36] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftn36). This relevance is due to him being among the first proponents of Liberalism and of bourgeois political theory, because he stressed the centrality of ‘life, liberty and property’.
[1] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref1) “as a description of their location on the far left end of the political spectrum as existed during the period of their activities” – Richard Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ (New Jersey: Princeton University Press 1986) xvii
[2] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref2) Oxford English Dictionary Online ‘Entry: Radical’ (http://www.askoxford.com/concise_oed/radical?view=uk (http://www.askoxford.com/concise_oed/radical?view=uk) 28 November 2009)
[3] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref3) John Locke ‘Two Tracts on Government’ ed. Philip Abrams (London: Cambridge University Press: 1967) 119
[4] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref4) Restrictions such as the inability to keep a standing army, or to raise taxes independently of parliament, for example.
[5] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref5)Richard Ashcraft & J.G. Pocock ‘John Locke’ (Los Angeles: University of California 1980) 12
[6] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref6) Robert Filmer ‘Patriarcha and Other Writings’ ed. J.P Somerville (London: Cambridge University Press 1991) 12
[7] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref7) The absolute power of a father over a child, and the existence biblical evidence used by Filmer to support this is something successfully contested by Locke in his ‘First Treatise of Government’
[8] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref8) R.I Aaron ‘John Locke’ (London: Oxford University Press 1937) 275
[9] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref9) Hobbes would disagree upon this point, however there is a gulf of difference between his idea that there exists a reasonable choice between consenting to tyranny and consenting to be outlawed and killed and Locke’s conception of the consent of the people.
[10] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref10) Aaron ‘John Locke’ 276
[11] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref11) John Locke ‘The Second Treatise of Government’ (London: Fletcher & Son 1976) 4
[12] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref12) Locke ‘The Second Treatise of Government’ 5
[13] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref13) A full account of how and why one moves from a State of Nature to a Political Society cannot be given in this essay due to extraneous constraints
[14] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref14) Massimo Salvadori ed. ‘Locke and Liberty: Selections from the Works of John Locke’ (London: Pall Mall Press 1959) xxxvii
[15] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref15) Locke ‘The Second Treatise of Government’ 49
[16] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref16) Richard Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ (New Jersey: Princeton University Press 1986) 17
[17] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref17) Locke ‘The Second Treatise of Government’ 109
[18] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref18)Locke ‘The Second Treatise of Government’ 106
[19] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref19) Thomas Hobbes cited from: E.J Lowe ‘Locke’ (London: Routledge 2005) 172
[20] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref20) Thomas Hobbes ‘Leviathan’ (http://books.google.com/books?id=-Q4nPYeps6MC&printsec=frontcover&dq=leviathan#v=onepage&q=&f=false (http://books.google.com/books?id=-Q4nPYeps6MC&printsec=frontcover&dq=leviathan#v=onepage&q=&f=false) 28 November 2009) 86
[21] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref21) Locke ‘The Second Treatise of Government’ 109
[22] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref22) Lloyd Thomas ‘Routledge Philosophy Guidebook to Locke on Government’ (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006) 72
[23] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref23)V. Chappell ‘The Cambridge Companion to Locke’ (London: Cambridge University Press 1994) Richard Ashcraft Chapter 9, ‘Locke’s Political Philosophy’ 230
[24] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref24) Ashcraft ‘Locke’s Political Philosophy’ 230
[25] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref25)Ashcraft & Pocock ‘John Locke’ 46
[26] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref26) Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ 144
[27] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref27) Thomas ‘Routledge Philosophy Guidebook to Locke on Government’ 72
[28] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref28) Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ 84
[29] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref29) Salvadori ‘Locke and Liberty: Selections from the Works of John Locke’ 156
[30] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref30) Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ 279
[31] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref31) Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ 281
[32] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref32) E.J. Lowe ‘Locke’ (London: Routledge 2005) 161
[33] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref33) Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ 144
[34] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref34) Space will not allow further exploration of this evidence in this essay.
[35] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref35) Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ 87
[36] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=16#_ftnref36) Ashcraft ‘Revolutionary Politics & Locke’s Two Treatises of Government’ 16