Tower of Bebel
17th August 2009, 20:34
71 years ago Trotsky wrote the Transitional Programme, but that didn't prevent the CWI to discuss this programme at the annual Summer School. Trotsky wrote this work in 1938 and for a small decade a major crisis was waging which formed a breeding ground of many social conflicts. The economy crumbled and, figuratively speaking, both labor and capital had to devide a cake among themselves that was becomming smaller and smaller. The result was a precarious situation. In different sectors of the economy and in various ways workers had to fight for their jobs, their wages, their pensions, etc.
It was a situation in which "every serious demand of the proletariat and even every serious demand of the petty bourgeoisie inevitably reache[d] beyond the limits of capitalist property relations and of the bourgeois state" Trotsky once wrote. In Belgium in 1936 this resulted in a mass strike. Despite the poor state of the economy some achievements had been gained. It can serve as an example for people today in a similar crisis situation.
But precisely at such a moment when the basis (allow me to use this word) of the labor movement was in motion, a conservative attitude stemming from its leadership took the lead. The Second "workers" International and the Third "Communist" International became, in the course of their development, mass organizations. According to Trotsky "the historical crisis of mankind is due to the crisis of [its] revolutionary leadership". Because the governing bodies of both the unions and the parties did not develop a revolutionary strategy its members and supporters at the base had no real perspective.
Its relevance for today
For the CWI this is one of the key lessons for today. The commission was initiated by Niall Mulholland of the International Secretariat of the CWI. Because of the similarities between this crisis and the 30s Niall stressed the relevance of the programme for today. Meanwhile, nearly everyone became conscious of the fact that we are facing a crisis very similar to the one witnessed during the 30s. Only a few bankers seem to have their heads up in the clouds and they stubornly deny the problems. But that doesn't change much for those affected.
The main function of the Transitional Programme is to link the practical experience of the working link to a struggle for socialism. Trotsky's transitional approach or method stands in sharp contrast to the "method" as was used by the social democratic parties. Trotsky described their "method" accordingly: socialism has been reduced to an abstract concept for speeches on Sundays and public holidays. In practice the programme was only intended to strengthen capitalism and to keep the working class subordinated. Former Stalinist parties had conflicting ideas and tactics. The Third International was not preparing for revolution: it cooperated with bourgeois parties. The Road taken through "anti-fascist" popular fronts meant the Comintern's gradual demise. In 1943 the International was given up.
Reforms can be won through mass struggle, yes, and in the 30s this was also the case. But revolutionary Socialists also believe it is their duty to clarify that to secure these reforms a fundamental change in society is required. It is a socialist society that, unlike the capitalist society, is not based on the conflict between labor and capital. Not reconciliation but a radical transformation is needed.
Niall also explained the types of demands addressed in the Transitional Programme. These are "immediate" demands or demands relating to daily struggles for wages, work, etc. Then there are the so-called "democratic demands" used in the fight against the centralization of the capitalist state. We only have to think of the dictatorship in Iran and the mass protests which are taking place. And finally there are the actual "transitional demands". These are the demands explaing the need to change society. However, the application of these demands depends on concrete situations. It is crucial that the actual situation is studied as accurately as possible. A transitional programme is, in other words a practical programme of action that is constantly adapted to concrete circumstances. According to Marxists abstraction is a weapon in the hands of our opponents. A Marxist programme cannot be artifiiaclly separated from mass struggles.
The core of our programme is our approach
Undoubtedly, a number of aspects of Trotsky's Transitional Programme are oldfashioned. This was mentioned in the conclusion provided by Alec Thraves. But many aspects are not. In an era of constant fear of redundancies the call to "open the books" is still very relevant. This demand also applies to the nationalization of industry under democratic workers control. This and other demands are demands which strive for workers' self-organization and aim for growing confidence among workers in their capabilities. The lessons Trotsky drew from both the Russian and the German Revolution are reflected in the Transitional Programme. What Trotsky fought for was a situation of dual power: an organized labor movement armed with a revolutionary programme ready versus capital in crisis. A situation which conservative leaders within the labor movement wanted to avoid at all costs.
The core of the Transitional Programme, and by that I mean the approach or method that was used, is more important for socialists than the actual demands which are formulated. Not only do slogans come and go. But they can sometimes contain errors. yet the approach remains the same. This means that the Transitional Programme of 1938 should not be written off as "outdated" or old-fashioned. Figuratively speaking, it is Trotsky's brave struggle for a solid bridge between the current consciousness of the workers and the struggle for socialism which is so invaluable.
Some interventions on the situation in Ireland and England emphasized the potential of this method. In particular in the fight around Visteon and Lindsey where workers went on strike. Thanks to the intervention of the Socialist Party and others during the Lindsey strike that nationalistic motives (in particular slogans that went back to what the British Prime Minister Brown coined as "British jobs for British workers") were exchanged for socialist ideas. Again, it is precisely the aim to establish a sustainable link between the current consciousness - the real battle that is taking place today - and the struggle for a socialist society that proves the merits of Trotsky's Transitional Programme.
Further reading:
How to fight the crisis (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.socialismtoday.org/126/fight.html) (Socialism Today)
The Transitional Programme Today (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.socialistworld.net/eng/2009/07/2002.html)(Socialistworld.net)
It was a situation in which "every serious demand of the proletariat and even every serious demand of the petty bourgeoisie inevitably reache[d] beyond the limits of capitalist property relations and of the bourgeois state" Trotsky once wrote. In Belgium in 1936 this resulted in a mass strike. Despite the poor state of the economy some achievements had been gained. It can serve as an example for people today in a similar crisis situation.
But precisely at such a moment when the basis (allow me to use this word) of the labor movement was in motion, a conservative attitude stemming from its leadership took the lead. The Second "workers" International and the Third "Communist" International became, in the course of their development, mass organizations. According to Trotsky "the historical crisis of mankind is due to the crisis of [its] revolutionary leadership". Because the governing bodies of both the unions and the parties did not develop a revolutionary strategy its members and supporters at the base had no real perspective.
Its relevance for today
For the CWI this is one of the key lessons for today. The commission was initiated by Niall Mulholland of the International Secretariat of the CWI. Because of the similarities between this crisis and the 30s Niall stressed the relevance of the programme for today. Meanwhile, nearly everyone became conscious of the fact that we are facing a crisis very similar to the one witnessed during the 30s. Only a few bankers seem to have their heads up in the clouds and they stubornly deny the problems. But that doesn't change much for those affected.
The main function of the Transitional Programme is to link the practical experience of the working link to a struggle for socialism. Trotsky's transitional approach or method stands in sharp contrast to the "method" as was used by the social democratic parties. Trotsky described their "method" accordingly: socialism has been reduced to an abstract concept for speeches on Sundays and public holidays. In practice the programme was only intended to strengthen capitalism and to keep the working class subordinated. Former Stalinist parties had conflicting ideas and tactics. The Third International was not preparing for revolution: it cooperated with bourgeois parties. The Road taken through "anti-fascist" popular fronts meant the Comintern's gradual demise. In 1943 the International was given up.
Reforms can be won through mass struggle, yes, and in the 30s this was also the case. But revolutionary Socialists also believe it is their duty to clarify that to secure these reforms a fundamental change in society is required. It is a socialist society that, unlike the capitalist society, is not based on the conflict between labor and capital. Not reconciliation but a radical transformation is needed.
Niall also explained the types of demands addressed in the Transitional Programme. These are "immediate" demands or demands relating to daily struggles for wages, work, etc. Then there are the so-called "democratic demands" used in the fight against the centralization of the capitalist state. We only have to think of the dictatorship in Iran and the mass protests which are taking place. And finally there are the actual "transitional demands". These are the demands explaing the need to change society. However, the application of these demands depends on concrete situations. It is crucial that the actual situation is studied as accurately as possible. A transitional programme is, in other words a practical programme of action that is constantly adapted to concrete circumstances. According to Marxists abstraction is a weapon in the hands of our opponents. A Marxist programme cannot be artifiiaclly separated from mass struggles.
The core of our programme is our approach
Undoubtedly, a number of aspects of Trotsky's Transitional Programme are oldfashioned. This was mentioned in the conclusion provided by Alec Thraves. But many aspects are not. In an era of constant fear of redundancies the call to "open the books" is still very relevant. This demand also applies to the nationalization of industry under democratic workers control. This and other demands are demands which strive for workers' self-organization and aim for growing confidence among workers in their capabilities. The lessons Trotsky drew from both the Russian and the German Revolution are reflected in the Transitional Programme. What Trotsky fought for was a situation of dual power: an organized labor movement armed with a revolutionary programme ready versus capital in crisis. A situation which conservative leaders within the labor movement wanted to avoid at all costs.
The core of the Transitional Programme, and by that I mean the approach or method that was used, is more important for socialists than the actual demands which are formulated. Not only do slogans come and go. But they can sometimes contain errors. yet the approach remains the same. This means that the Transitional Programme of 1938 should not be written off as "outdated" or old-fashioned. Figuratively speaking, it is Trotsky's brave struggle for a solid bridge between the current consciousness of the workers and the struggle for socialism which is so invaluable.
Some interventions on the situation in Ireland and England emphasized the potential of this method. In particular in the fight around Visteon and Lindsey where workers went on strike. Thanks to the intervention of the Socialist Party and others during the Lindsey strike that nationalistic motives (in particular slogans that went back to what the British Prime Minister Brown coined as "British jobs for British workers") were exchanged for socialist ideas. Again, it is precisely the aim to establish a sustainable link between the current consciousness - the real battle that is taking place today - and the struggle for a socialist society that proves the merits of Trotsky's Transitional Programme.
Further reading:
How to fight the crisis (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.socialismtoday.org/126/fight.html) (Socialism Today)
The Transitional Programme Today (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.socialistworld.net/eng/2009/07/2002.html)(Socialistworld.net)