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robbo203
26th April 2009, 13:56
I am reproducing below part of a wider discussion in the worldincommon forum on the subject of prefigurative communistic relationships within capitalism. I would be interested to hear any comments on this "germs of communism" idea...


--- In [email protected] (http://groups.yahoo.com/group/worldincommon/post?postID=KLmzYXY_0PpHe2jC0U-9cdDpsCSKIfmiocgRSOQw0RmKdZ5oh2OILjZRY5xWgjomVIqL2 YW-x1EvOSYnl8-qm3uWLg), "Torgun Bullen" <[email protected]> wrote:
>


Thats a very interesting discussion you posted , Torgun, thanks for that! I
think the key point was that raised by Raoul i.e.
"we must explain the absence of this class struggle and why the confrontations
of the 1970s didn't go further. This was because there was and is a lack of an
idea of what a non-capitalist society, of what the revolutionary project, could
be"

Struggle without a sense of direction, without a clear destination in mind is
merely a treadmill struggle. I think huge swathes of the left are basically
trapped in just such a treadmill going nowhere and offering no way out of
capitalism except to reform it and further statify it. In one way , it is
disheartening that, at time of severe economic crisis, when even capitalism itself is getting to be a bit of dirty word and people are even beginning totalk more favourably about "socialism", one just knows that the swing to the left which we have seen in several parts of the world recently can only signify the prospect of future disenchantments and disappointments . Unless we can break through this perpetual pendulum swing from right to left and back again from left to right, that is.

There has to be some shift in consciousness away from the dominant paradigm which visualises the future only in the narrowed-down terms of an endless oscillation between two complementary poles - the state and the market. We in the non-market anti-statist sector need to be seriously thinking of ways to facilitate this breakthrough in consciousness - a kind of lateral thinking approach.

The "germs of communism" idea is crucial in this regard, As Phillippe says in
this text non market activities help to refute "the "human nature" argument that says that humans won't do anything unless motivated by money, by a personal profit.".But there is a more positive reason for wanting to promote such activites - to gain confidence in our capacity to cooperate outside of the capitalist market. Without that confidence based on practical expereience, communism will remain simply a nice idea, an abstraction

We need therefore to develop some kind of strategic approach which charts a way forward that involves both practical experience and the direct transmission of communist ideas. Both these things need each other. Such an approach should enable us to distinguish between forms of activity - like cooperatives - that are highly vulnerable to co-option by capitalism and those - like free software- that can hold their own as prototypical communistic activities. Which is not to completely dismiss the former but to be aware of their limitations. I think
this is clear from the discussion below

Cheers

Robin


> All
>
> There has been a discussion on our forum recently about the emergence of
> socialistic relationships within capitalism (example: free software).
> I came across the following message among my saved emails, which is a
> contribution by Adam Buick on the WSM forum from 2003.
>
> By way of an introduction, Adam said:"...I also participate in another forum
> in French which has also discussed this issue as well as the question of
> whether "socialistic" economic forms can emerge within capitalism...."
> "...here's a translation of part of the minutes of a meeting of the members
> of the discussion group that took place on 18 January. Bear in mind that
> most members of the group are hard-line Marxists (former members of the ICC)
> and even Leninists (Robin Goodfellow)...."
> " For the record, I agree with the views expressed by the two Philippes.
> Adam".
>
> ****************
>
> Dom (introduction) . . . a new aspect arose with Raoul's texts on free
> software as an example of the emergence of germs of non-market
> relationships. For Raoul, the existence of an activity that is free and of
> means of production that are infinitely reproducible freely is evidence not
> only of the possibility of communism, but is itself an example of the
> presence of non-market germs within present-day society. In reply JC put
> forward the argument amongst others, that "free" software is not so free as
> that and re-situated the basic question as the problem of the change-over
> from the capitalist mode of production to communism. The Robin Goodfellow
> group also produced a reply on the question of free software, analysing the
> case of Microsoft: we were faced with an atypical case where competition was
> not leading to a fall in the monopoly price practised by the leading firm;
> the development of free software was more a question of a petty bourgeois
> response to a capitalist monopoly than evidence of communism already present
> in society.
>
> Adam: Marx said that workers' co-operatives and even limited liability
> companies were germs of socialism within capitalism because they involved
> the suppression of the individual capitalist (see Capital, Volume III,
> chapter 27). So Marx did not reject the idea that you could find germs of
> future society within capitalism, even if he was mistaken about the
> particular germs he thought he saw.
>
> Dom: At the same time Marx very firmly criticised co-operatives, rejecting
> the idea that they could be embryos of future society. This wasn't the case
> in previous societies, in which you could see the emergence of social
> relations which would later take over. Marx denied this possibility for
> communism, and there can be no argument about it.
>
> Raoul: Marx envisaged many times the role of co-operatives as an
> illustration of what certain aspects of communist society could be. But he
> always ended up by denouncing their limitations. There's a great difference
> between co-operatives and free software. Co-operatives are a microcosm
> within a commercial world which don't call into question the market logic of
> that world (see the example of the orange-producing co-operatives in
> Valencia during the Spanish Civil War) whereas the logic of free software
> does.
>
> FD: Co-operatives were an effect of the class struggle itself: an attempt by
> workers to respond by putting use-values in common. They were indeed
> co-opted by capitalism, but it was a class experience even if they could not
> have been extended to the big capitalist enterprises. The defence of
> use-values is something we share.
>
> JP (Robin Goodfellow): In our text we said that the bourgeoisie couldn't
> counter Microsoft and that the middle class had replied with Linux and free
> software. It was a response typical of the US university campus milieu.
>
> Christian: Raoul talks about non-market relations within capitalism and says
> that that's what we should be doing. I've the impression that, in the
> absence of the class struggle in the real and traditional sense, Raoul has
> latched on to something infinitely small which can give us some hope that
> we'll see something else than what exists now. I still think we need massive
> struggles.
>
> Domi: This discussion opens up for the first time an official questioning of
> Marxism.
>
> Dom: Behind this debate is indeed an abandoning of Marxism, and that's
> dramatic.
>
> FD: Free work is part of bourgeois ideology. I don't understand "free-ism"
> ("gratuitisme"). Is existing voluntary work "free-ism"? In Brussels I see a
> building which is called Troc International ("International Barter"). In
> parts of France they practise this kind of barter (LETS schemes). Do we
> consider this kind of practice as going in the direction of abolishing
> market relations? If yes, I ask: why don't we participate in them? This will
> sooner or later be co-opted, just like the idea of "direct democracy" at
> certain levels of the EU.
>
> Philippe: On free software, I'm still not convinced by the idea of a "germ
> of communism", but there is still an essential idea in what Roaul says that
> we can use in our arguments for another society being possible: free
> software is a shining example that, without the market, without wage-labour,
> we can collectively produce something important and of quality. It refutes
> the "human nature" argument that says that humans won't do anything unless
> motivated by money, by a personal profit.
>
> Raoul: I've already replied in a text to Christian who says I'm consoling
> myself for the absence of the class struggle. Precisely, we must explain the
> absence of this class struggle and why the confrontations of the 1970s
> didn't go further. This was because there was and is a lack of an idea of
> what a non-capitalist society, of what the revolutionary project, could be.
> I believe this is crucial and that the new technologies provide very
> positive elements on this. There are two aspects to this discussion: one
> concerns the subjective element, as the result of the activity of a certain
> number of professionals who have a consciousness and a desire to escape from
> some of the rules of property and exchange. The other concerns the objective
> aspect of free software: is there something fundamentally different in the
> product called "software"? Robin Goodfellow says "no": I say "yes". This
> product is freely reproducible, and it can take the form either of a means
> of production or of a means of consumption. Does that change the way of
> thinking about the possibility of communism? I think so. With software, it's
> easy to be generous: you can give without losing anything. On the basis of
> that fact, it is tempting to dream of a world based on it. There are two
> tendencies amongst the hackers which take material form as two types of
> licence for the free software: those called "open source", which insist on
> the positive aspects of free software for the development of capitalism, of
> trade, and which have a licence which allows "open software" to be
> commercialised; the other tendency, called "free software" whose licence,
> dating from 1984, forbids commercialisation and insists on the perpetuity of
> the free, non-market nature of the product. It has been said that free
> software is nothing new since it's like all science, to which access is
> free. But scientific theories are neither means of consumption nor means of
> production. Today there are as many (or more) music recordings, ie software
> as direct means of consumption, which circulate freely as are sold. Some
> "hackers" have arrived at the idea of a non-market society, without knowing
> Marx, indeed against what they know about him. It's a spectacular
> confirmation of Marxism and its dictum that "communism is not an ideal . . .
> but the real movement of society". For Marxists in general, there cannot be
> germs of a non-market society within market society. But, in history, humans
> have never gone over to a new type of society without having seen the germs
> of it, without having known in practical terms what it would be like. Yet,
> in the case of the proletarian revolution, this change is to take place
> without knowing what these new relationships will be in practice. Further,
> it is to be the work of the most ignorant and oppressed class. However, Marx
> also said, with regard to the change-over from one society to another, that
> humans don't throw away a tool without knowing what to replace it with. In
> that respect, the reality of free software is and will be a very positive
> element.
>
> Anne: So you are saying that free software both illustrates and contradicts
> Marxism?
>
> Raoul: It contradicts certain aspects of Marxism, but confirms other, more
> essential parts.
>
> Greg: These "discoveries" are very quickly co-opted by the system from a
> market point of view. In 1980-1 we had an explosion of "free" radios. 15-20
> years later the landscape has been entirely colonised by the commodity.
>
> Philippe B: The question has been presented in the form of germs (or
> premises). This question should not be confused with the objective and
> historical conditions of the new society. In Asiatic societies, for example
> China from the 10th to the 15th century, there were germs of capitalist
> society. When you speak of "germs" of communism within present-day society,
> you are suggesting that exchange-value is beginning to abolish itself. It is
> too easy to be fascinated by the "new technological society" and the
> Internet whereas this instrument has shortened the time and space of
> exchange without in any way abolishing it. Is there a tendency for things to
> become free? I'm skeptical. The fact that the software is free is counted in
> the final price of the product it is used to produce. Further, we live in a
> society where everything has to be paid for: there's talk about paying for
> water in certain countries, and why not air (as in Japan)?
>
> Dom: Exchange-value must be abolished, but Raoul speaks of free use-values.
> Can use-value being sufficiently independent so as not to be co-opted?
>
> Rose (summing up): it's not easy to sum up this discussion. The question of
> the technological revolution has joined up with the morning's discussion on
> how to envisage communism. How to integrate the idea of "germs" raises a
> fundamental problem as there is the need for a rupture at some point.
>

Die Neue Zeit
28th April 2009, 03:01
Four of my programmatic demands address the "germs of communism" suggestions:

- The expansion of local autonomy on questions of local development through participatory budgeting and oversight by local assemblies, as well as through unconditional economic assistance (both technical and financial) for localities seeking to establish local currency alternatives to government money
- The combating of the anti-meritocratic personal inheritances of both poverty by children and ruling-class wealth, with the latter entailing the abolition of all remaining nobilities and the application of all funds derived from public, anti-inheritance appropriations of not some but all the relevant productive or other non-possessive properties (that would otherwise be immediately inherited through legal will or through gifting and other loopholes) towards exclusively public purposes
- The abolition of all intellectual property laws and of all restrictions on the non-commodity economy of peer-to-peer sharing, open-source programming, and the like
- The genuine end of “free markets” by first means of non-selective encouragement of, and unconditional economic assistance (both technical and financial) for, pre-cooperative worker buyouts of existing enterprises and enterprise operations, first as a counter to all workplace closures, mass sackings, and mass layoffs (http://www.revleft.com/vb/pre-cooperative-worker-t88629/index.html)

robbo203
28th April 2009, 10:30
Four of my programmatic demands address the "germs of communism" suggestions:

- The expansion of local autonomy on questions of local development through participatory budgeting and oversight by local assemblies, as well as through unconditional economic assistance (both technical and financial) for localities seeking to establish local currency alternatives to government money
- The combating of the anti-meritocratic personal inheritances of both poverty by children and ruling-class wealth, with the latter entailing the abolition of all remaining nobilities and the application of all funds derived from public, anti-inheritance appropriations of not some but all the relevant productive or other non-possessive properties (that would otherwise be immediately inherited through legal will or through gifting and other loopholes) towards exclusively public purposes
- The abolition of all intellectual property laws and of all restrictions on the non-commodity economy of peer-to-peer sharing, open-source programming, and the like
- The genuine end of “free markets” by first means of non-selective encouragement of, and unconditional economic assistance (both technical and financial) for, pre-cooperative worker buyouts of existing enterprises and enterprise operations, first as a counter to all workplace closures, mass sackings, and mass layoffs


I would say that some of these probably constitute authentic "germs of communism". Not too sure about others though. For example worker co-ops in themselves can very easily be incorporated into and co-opted by capitalism. The large Mondragon experiment in northern is a classic example of this. Its distribution arm is a chain of Eroski supermarkets that are frankly no different from any other supermarkets. Mondragon started out with idealistic intentions but it ended up fully incorporated into capitalism.

The point about the "germs of communism" idea is that it is not the forms that count so much as the substance - whether they enable us to experience non-commodified or non-market relations of production and to what extent. There are examples of this such as the free shop movement, the recycle movement ,LETS, open source software etc

My point is that these need to connect up with the political movement for communism - and vice versa - since they complement each other and can synergistically benefit from intereacting with each other

Dave B
28th April 2009, 19:44
Capital Vol. III Part V, Division of Profit into Interest and Profit of Enterprise. Interest-Bearing Capital, Chapter 27. The Role of Credit in Capitalist Production





The co-operative factories of the labourers themselves represent within the old form the first sprouts of the new, although they naturally reproduce, and must reproduce, everywhere in their actual organisation all the shortcomings of the prevailing system.

But the antithesis between capital and labour is overcome within them, if at first only by way of making the associated labourers into their own capitalist, i.e., by enabling them to use the means of production for the employment of their own labour. They show how a new mode of production naturally grows out of an old one, when the development of the material forces of production and of the corresponding forms of social production have reached a particular stage.


Without the factory system arising out of the capitalist mode of production there could have been no co-operative factories. Nor could these have developed without the credit system arising out of the same mode of production. The credit system is not only the principal basis for the gradual transformation of capitalist private enterprises into capitalist stock companies, but equally offers the means for the gradual extension of co-operative enterprises on a more or less national scale.

The capitalist stock companies, as much as the co-operative factories, should be considered as transitional forms from the capitalist mode of production to the associated one, with the only distinction that the antagonism is resolved negatively in the one and positively in the other.


http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894-c3/ch27.htm (http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894-c3/ch27.htm)

To properly understand this kind of thing I think it is worth bearing in mind that there was for Karl and Fred in their time an issue which can be overlooked today. That was that then a lot of capitalist manufacture was actually directly organised and run by the capitalist themselves and; not so much said but implied that the working class lacked the skillls or experience to do it for themselves.


They anticipated however that these kind of organisational skills would increasingly be carried out by wage labour or proleterianised. In addition to this due to pressure of economies of scale etc capitalists would have to increasingly pool their capital into ‘joint stock companies’ and become mere shareholders of companies which would presumably be run more and more by waged administrators.

The capitalist owners themselves would thus tend to take a less and less direct role in the actual productive process, merely collecting their dividends and gambling on the stock exchange and trying to cheat each other.

So the theory went once waged labour was running the whole show from top to bottom the ‘technical’ conditions existed for the workers just to cut out the (State Bolshevik) capitalist class and take over.

(However Karl presented I think a kind of anti argument to that in his profit of enterprise section in Volume III)

Interestingly perhaps a similar kind of argument reappears in Fred’s Anti Duhring concerning state capitalism. Although he failed to anticipate the Bolshevik variety of total state capitalism and was probably thinking in terms of really big enterprises having to be taken on or ‘socialised’ by the biggest capitalist joint stock company of all, the ‘state’ of the capitalist class.

The benefits of which would be evenly distributed amongst the ‘stock holders’ ie the capitalist class.

I believe that this basic idea is a bit of a hobby horse of Chomsky, different in form if not content.

Anti-Dühring by Frederick Engels 1877, Part III: Socialism, Theoretical;

(I think this translation on the MIA sucks by the way and prefer the other one)



The period of industrial high pressure, with its unbounded inflation of credit, not less than the crash itself, by the collapse of great capitalist establishments, tends to bring about that form of the socialisation of great masses of means of production which we meet with in the different kinds of joint-stock companies.

Many of these means of production and of communication are, from the outset, so colossal that, like the railways, they exclude all other forms of capitalistic exploitation. At a further stage of evolution this form also becomes insufficient: the official representative of capitalist society — the state — will ultimately have to *10 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/notes.htm#n*10) undertake the direction of production. This necessity for conversion into state property is felt first in the great institutions for intercourse and communication — the post office, the telegraphs, the railways.

If the crises demonstrate the incapacity of the bourgeoisie for managing any longer modern productive forces, the transformation of the great establishments for production and distribution into joint-stock companies and state property shows how unnecessary the bourgeoisie are for that purpose. All the social functions of the capitalist are now performed by salaried employees. The capitalist has no further social function than that of pocketing dividends, tearing off coupons, and gambling on the Stock Exchange, where the different capitalists despoil one another of their capital.

At first the capitalist mode of production forces out the workers. Now it forces out the capitalists, and reduces them, just as it reduced the workers, to the ranks of the surplus population, although not immediately into those of the industrial reserve army.

But the transformation, either into joint-stock companies, or into state (Bolshevik) ownership, does not do away with the capitalistic nature of the productive forces. In the joint-stock companies this is obvious. And the modern state, again, is only the organisation that bourgeois (Bolshevik) society takes on in order to support the general external conditions of the capitalist mode of production against the encroachments as well of the workers as of individual capitalists.

The modern (Bolshevik) state, no matter what its form, is essentially a capitalist machine, the state of the (Bolshevik) capitalists, the ideal personification of the total (Bolshevik) national capital.

The more it proceeds to the taking over of productive forces, the more does it actually become the national (Bolshevik) capitalist, the more citizens does it exploit. The workers remain wage-workers — proletarians. The capitalist relation is not done away with. It is rather brought to a head. But, brought to a head, it topples over. State (Bolshevik) ownership of the productive forces is not the solution of the conflict, but concealed within it are the technical conditions that form the elements of that solution.


10 I say "have to". For only when the means of production and distribution have actually outgrown the form of management by joint-stock companies, and when, therefore, the taking them over by the state has become economically inevitable, only then -- even if it is the state of today that effects this -- is there an economic advance, the attainment of another step preliminary to the taking over of all productive forces by society itself.
But of late, since Bismarck (Bolsheviks) went in for state-ownership of industrial establishments, a kind of spurious (Bolshevik) socialism has arisen, degenerating, now and again, into something of flunkeyism, that without more ado declares all state ownership, even of the Bismarckian (Bolshevik) sort, to be socialistic.
Certainly, if the taking over by the state of the tobacco industry is socialistic, then Napoleon (Stalin- animal farm) and Metternich must be numbered among the founders of socialism.
If the Belgian state, for quite ordinary political and financial reasons, itself constructed its chief railway lines; if Bismarck, not under any economic compulsion, took over for the state the chief Prussian lines, simply to be the better able to have them in hand in case of war, to bring up the railway employees as voting cattle for the government, and especially to create for himself a new source of income independent of parliamentary votes -- this was, in no sense, a socialistic measure, directly or indirectly, consciously or unconsciously.

Otherwise, the Royal Maritime Company, [116] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/footnotes.htm#n116) the Royal porcelain manufacture, and even the regimental tailor of the army would also be socialistic institutions.



http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1877/anti-duhring/ch24.htm (http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1877/anti-duhring/ch24.htm)