Holden Caulfield
7th February 2009, 22:30
How would you account for the low turnout in recent UK General Elections and would you argue that this indicates that British democracy is in crisis?
Through the course of this essay we shall cover the key factors deemed to be responsible for the low voter turnout in recent UK general elections. By voter turnout we mean the percentage of those on the electoral register who cast a vote in the election. We shall highlight the existing theories, and patterns, of voting, such as those focusing on the significance of age, class, party affiliation, and education (etc) in regards to voter turnout. From the study of empirical evidence, and these theories, we shall come to a conclusion on what can be considered to be the driving factors, and issues, keeping the British electorate away from the ballot box in record numbers. From this, and from examination of the British democratic system, we shall discuss the implications and the effects low turnout has on democracy in Britain.
In the last general elections the voter turnout in France (2007) was 83.8% (on average over two legs); in Germany (2005) 77.7%; in Spain (2008) 73.9% but in the UK (2005) a mere 61.3% of the electorate cast their vote. This turnout was a slight increase on the pervious election, when in 2001 only 59.3% of those eligible to vote in the UK cast their ballot, a figure which “shocked the establishment”[1] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn1). Contrast this 2001 figure with the 1997 election and we see a sharp decline in voter turnout, in 1997 71.3% of the electorate voted, a drop of 12% in just 4 years. Although the turnout in UK general elections has been steadily decreasing in the post-war era, it has never dropped beneath its ‘normal’ historical range (between 71.9% and 84%) until 1997, a trend which continued the two subsequent elections.[2] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn2)
After the General Election in 2001 senior Labour figures were noted to have claimed that “low turnout reflected the voter’s satisfaction with the [...] Labour government”[3] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn3), this however is not a commonly held view and is perhaps part ‘spin’, part denial. Surveys have shown that although voting is in decline, “interest in public affairs not”[4] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn4), so it would be safe to assume that the electorate has not simply ‘gone off’ politics.
One possible explanation for lower turnouts is the effects of ‘partisan de-alignment’, that is the decreasing bond voters have to a specific party. The weakening of party affiliations can cause decrease in turn out, David Denver states “the stronger a person’s party identification the more likely they are to vote”[5] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn5) this also works in reverse, accounting, in part for decreased turnout. The weakening of party ‘bonds’ can be blamed on a number of reasons, one of which is the ever narrowing ideological gap between the two major parties, due to the “race to the centre ground”[6] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn6)[I]. As the Labour party moved right, and the Conservatives moved to the left they converged on the ‘centre ground’ and their policies became similar, causing a de-polarisation of the electorate. With little difference between the two main parties the public may have felt less impetus to vote, compared to elections between more ideologically polarised parties, such as occurred in recent French elections (the 2007 Sarkozy/Royal election).
In the past the two major parties were diametrically opposed, Labour was more to the left and supported mainly by the working classes, and the Conservatives, to the right of their current position, with the majority of support coming from the middle classes. The de-alignment of party support could be traced to a de-alignment in class based voting. “In recent elections less than half the voters have been voting with their ‘natural’ class party”[7] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn7) under the guise of ‘New’ Labour the traditionally working class party started to gain increasing support from the so-called ‘middle-Englanders’, and with this won the 1997 election. The decrease of class based voting could be attributed to an apparent “embourgeoisment“[8] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn8) of the British working’ class; with the decrease in traditional industry, the weakening of the unions, and an increase in living standards traditional voters have no desire for overtly left-wing policies. The ideological similarities of the two major parties also means that voting can be based more on individual, or sets of, issues, popularity of the leadership, and track record. Class de-alignment in itself is not a major factor in low turn outs as it is just that, class based voting has decreased not voting all together.
Communities have been perceived to be in ‘break down’ in recent decades, the closing of traditional industrial mass employers, led to the weakening of community bonds within the working class. The flight to commuter towns and villages has also gone some way to weakening middle class community cohesion; also the hysteria over immigration has spread divisions across the social classes. This break down of community effects turnout as “stable communities [...] encourage conformity with the norm of voting”[9] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn9). As well as promoting voting as a ‘social norm’, communities also instil partisan (and/or class) affiliations in their members, “for many voters electoral choice is a product of a life time of influences”[10] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn10), this process is called ‘socialisation’.
There is, as has been briefly touched upon, a socio-economic basis to participation in the electoral process, the focus being on the effects of age and social group, in regards to voter turnout. The older demographics vote in higher percentages than all other age groups, the trend being that “each new cohort of voters has tended to be less partisan that its predecessors”[11] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn11), and as we have stated the more partisan one is the more likely they are to vote. A study carried out in 2004 (Clarke et al.) found that the younger generations did not feel that voting was a “civic duty” with the same intensity other age groups did. This highlights the way that many factors overlap to create the problem of low turnout, as this apathy of the youth can be attributed to break up of communities, classes, and party bonds. The effect of social standing on voter turnout can be seen in 2001; if we split society into 3 income groups the lowest third had a 56% turnout, the middle group 59%, and the highest third had a turnout of 62%[12] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn12). This cannot be pinned on one cause, however several reasons could be considered as being behind this trend: One being the betrayal of the working classes by the Labour party, it was conceived that a left wing party could not win a general election and so in pursuit of power the Labour party dropped ‘clause 4’ and put great effort into attracting the middle class vote alienating their core support. Instead of voting Conservative this working class support did not vote, however growing working class support for the BNP may increase the percentage of working class voters in future elections. The similarity of the two major parties could create a state of apathy. Or perhaps other factors such as education and not specifically class are at the root of this trend.
Another possible hypothesis for the older generations voting in higher percentages could be the effects, or residual cultural effects, of the Second World War on the British public. The population who lived through the war would be believe, by way wartime propaganda, that democracy was worth fighting for, and so feel an obligation to vote, voting being a right so many died to protect. ‘Residual cultural effects’ were mentioned as the ‘baby-boomer’ generation would have also assumed this attitude through socialisation (from their family), and through the effects if the popular media.
The advances in standards of education and in media coverage of politics, is another thread in the web of reasons behind changing voting patterns. Increased education is meaning that the electorate can understand the political situation with greater depth than ever before, and can weigh up what party would best suit them, in contrast to the class based voting of the past. “Voting is now structured by opinions”[13] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn13)and therefore “more volatile”[14] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn14), as support moves more fluidly as the issues of the day change. The increased media coverage of the 1960 American Presidential debate was said to have given Kennedy the victory, and in the same way today ‘new’ media is having more power in helping to inform voters. Party leaders are under increased scrutiny and the personality of the leader is what increasingly attracts voters, an example of this ‘new media’ coverage would be David Cameron’s video blog. In the 2001 and 2005 elections the leader’s personalities were not so contrasting as in previous elections, and the leaders had less personal charisma and media savvy, causing a decreased intensity of support, and pushing down the turnout. The opposite of this lack of personal charisma and low turnout can be seen in the recent US election where Obama and McCain mobilized the voters in record numbers.
This increased cognition of voters could be contrived as being a factor keeping them away from the polls, with a greater understanding of the political system comes recognition of its many faults and of the relative irrationality of voting. The understanding of the political system is apathy inspiring. As afore mentioned the lack of great ideological difference between the parties may lead the younger voters to reason that no great difference will occur no matter who comes to power. The fact that since 1945 Labour and the Conservatives have consistently gained at least 85% of the vote, means some consider voting for the Liberal Democrats or another ‘third party’ to be a throw away vote, and so simply do not vote.
The British democratic system itself is a factor in the decreasing voter turnout, incentives to vote are minimal and many flaws exist within the election process. For example “the ‘first past the post’ electoral system makes voting rather pointless in seats that are safe for one of the parties”[15] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn15), in such constituencies the outcome is often obvious, and so voters can become apathetic and disenfranchised from voting, as it appears that their vote does not have the same political weight as the vote of a person in a contested constituency. The first past the post electoral system is undemocratically biased towards the two major parties, the rest of Europe (except France) uses a ‘proportional representation’ model where individual votes have more weight and smaller parties have a chance to effect proceedings breaking two party hegemony. An analysis of the 1979 election stated that “the two party system was restored in the house of commons, but not in the people”[16] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn16) giving strong connotations of dissatisfaction with the electoral process. The power of the Prime minister over MP’s means that representation is weakened yet more, as MP’s are responsible to the PM and not their own constituencies, careerism and opportunism has also blighted British politics.
It is irrational to vote, the chances of one’s vote being the deciding vote in a nationwide election are infinitesimal, it would be rational not to waste your time and money travelling to vote, and learning about the candidates and instead do something more constructive. This concept is perhaps reinforced by the poor track records of all governments in the post war era; all have been rocked by crisis, war or economic troubles, if no governments have been ‘good’ governments it would be irrational to actively condone them by participating in the voting process.
Mr Alderman believes that elections and elected leaders have diminished in importance in the modern era:
“The corporate state has arrived. Power lies with the big economic battalions [...] this does not mean elections are not important. It means rather, than elections are no longer about who governs, but about who chairs the meeting at which those with power and authority try to reach an agreement”[17] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn17)
As we have seen there are many overlapping factors behind the decreased turn out in recent elections, all of which cannot be easily solved, for example “the decline in party identification is unlikely to be reversed and this may result in future turnouts continuing to be as poor as in 2001”[18] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn18). Elections are the central pillar of representative democracy, they serve to legitimise government and drastic decreases in turnout indicate a crisis in British democracy, as “not voting is a repudiation, not merely of the party political establishment but of the constitutional framework with which the politicians operate”[19] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn19). The British government draws it authority from the people via elections, the lower the turnout is the less representative and legitimate the government is, if not reversed this may lead to future unrest and the crisis looks only set to worsen.
Bibliography
Alderman, Geoffrey. (1978) ‘British Elections’ London: B.T. Batsford Ltd.
Butler, David & Kavanagh, Dennis. (1980) ‘The British General Election of 1979’ London: Macmillan Press Ltd.
Butler, David & Kavanagh, Dennis. (1988) ‘The British General Election of 1987’ London: Macmillan Press Ltd.
Butler, David & Kavanagh, Dennis. (1997) ‘The British General Election of 1997’ London: Macmillan Press Ltd.
Denver, David. (1994) ‘Elections and Voting Behaviour in Britain’ Hertfordshire: Harvester Wheatsheaf
Denver, David. (2003) ‘Elections and Voters in Britain’ New York: Palgrave MacMillan
Heath, Anthony. Jowell, Roger. Curtice, John. (1985) ‘How Britain Votes’ Oxford: Pergamon Press
Kavanagh, Dennis. Richards, David. Smith, Martin. Geddes, Andrew. (2006) ‘British Politics’ Oxford: Oxford University Press
----------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/elections/results
[1] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref1)Dennis Kavanagh. David Richards. Martin Smith. Andrew Geddes. ( ‘British Politics’ (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2006) 403
[2] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref2)http://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/elections/results
[3] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref3)Kavanagh (et al) ‘British Politics’ 403
[4] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref4)Kavanagh (et al) ‘British Politics’ 404
[5] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref5) David Denver. ‘Elections and Voting Behaviour in Britain’ (Hertfordshire: Harvester Wheatsheaf 1994) 41
[6] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref6) ‘Cameron still hasn’t claimed the centre ground’, (http://ukpollingreport.co.uk/blog/archives/992 (http://ukpollingreport.co.uk/blog/archives/992) June 2007)
[7] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref7)Kavanagh (et al) ‘British Politics’ 408
[8] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref8)Denver. ‘Elections and Voting Behaviour in Britain’ 63
[9] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref9)Denver. ‘Elections and Voters in Britain’ 38
[10] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref10) David Butler & Dennis Kavanagh. ‘The British General Election of 1987’ (London: Macmillan Press Ltd. 1988) 241
[11] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref11)Kavanagh (et al) ‘British Politics’ 406
[12] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref12)Denver. ‘Elections and Voters in Britain’ 41
[13] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref13)Denver. ‘Elections and Voters in Britain’ 124
[14] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref14)Kavanagh (et al) ‘British Politics’ 406
[15] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref15)Denver. ‘Elections and Voters in Britain’ 46
[16] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref16)David Butler & Dennis Kavanagh. ‘The British General Election of 1979’ (London: Macmillan Press Ltd. 1980) 390
[17] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref17) Geoffrey Alderman. ‘British Elections’ (London: B.T. Batsford Ltd. 1978) 207
[18] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref18)Denver. ‘Elections and Voters in Britain’ 47
[19] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref19)Geoffrey Alderman. ‘British Elections’ 192
Through the course of this essay we shall cover the key factors deemed to be responsible for the low voter turnout in recent UK general elections. By voter turnout we mean the percentage of those on the electoral register who cast a vote in the election. We shall highlight the existing theories, and patterns, of voting, such as those focusing on the significance of age, class, party affiliation, and education (etc) in regards to voter turnout. From the study of empirical evidence, and these theories, we shall come to a conclusion on what can be considered to be the driving factors, and issues, keeping the British electorate away from the ballot box in record numbers. From this, and from examination of the British democratic system, we shall discuss the implications and the effects low turnout has on democracy in Britain.
In the last general elections the voter turnout in France (2007) was 83.8% (on average over two legs); in Germany (2005) 77.7%; in Spain (2008) 73.9% but in the UK (2005) a mere 61.3% of the electorate cast their vote. This turnout was a slight increase on the pervious election, when in 2001 only 59.3% of those eligible to vote in the UK cast their ballot, a figure which “shocked the establishment”[1] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn1). Contrast this 2001 figure with the 1997 election and we see a sharp decline in voter turnout, in 1997 71.3% of the electorate voted, a drop of 12% in just 4 years. Although the turnout in UK general elections has been steadily decreasing in the post-war era, it has never dropped beneath its ‘normal’ historical range (between 71.9% and 84%) until 1997, a trend which continued the two subsequent elections.[2] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn2)
After the General Election in 2001 senior Labour figures were noted to have claimed that “low turnout reflected the voter’s satisfaction with the [...] Labour government”[3] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn3), this however is not a commonly held view and is perhaps part ‘spin’, part denial. Surveys have shown that although voting is in decline, “interest in public affairs not”[4] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn4), so it would be safe to assume that the electorate has not simply ‘gone off’ politics.
One possible explanation for lower turnouts is the effects of ‘partisan de-alignment’, that is the decreasing bond voters have to a specific party. The weakening of party affiliations can cause decrease in turn out, David Denver states “the stronger a person’s party identification the more likely they are to vote”[5] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn5) this also works in reverse, accounting, in part for decreased turnout. The weakening of party ‘bonds’ can be blamed on a number of reasons, one of which is the ever narrowing ideological gap between the two major parties, due to the “race to the centre ground”[6] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn6)[I]. As the Labour party moved right, and the Conservatives moved to the left they converged on the ‘centre ground’ and their policies became similar, causing a de-polarisation of the electorate. With little difference between the two main parties the public may have felt less impetus to vote, compared to elections between more ideologically polarised parties, such as occurred in recent French elections (the 2007 Sarkozy/Royal election).
In the past the two major parties were diametrically opposed, Labour was more to the left and supported mainly by the working classes, and the Conservatives, to the right of their current position, with the majority of support coming from the middle classes. The de-alignment of party support could be traced to a de-alignment in class based voting. “In recent elections less than half the voters have been voting with their ‘natural’ class party”[7] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn7) under the guise of ‘New’ Labour the traditionally working class party started to gain increasing support from the so-called ‘middle-Englanders’, and with this won the 1997 election. The decrease of class based voting could be attributed to an apparent “embourgeoisment“[8] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn8) of the British working’ class; with the decrease in traditional industry, the weakening of the unions, and an increase in living standards traditional voters have no desire for overtly left-wing policies. The ideological similarities of the two major parties also means that voting can be based more on individual, or sets of, issues, popularity of the leadership, and track record. Class de-alignment in itself is not a major factor in low turn outs as it is just that, class based voting has decreased not voting all together.
Communities have been perceived to be in ‘break down’ in recent decades, the closing of traditional industrial mass employers, led to the weakening of community bonds within the working class. The flight to commuter towns and villages has also gone some way to weakening middle class community cohesion; also the hysteria over immigration has spread divisions across the social classes. This break down of community effects turnout as “stable communities [...] encourage conformity with the norm of voting”[9] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn9). As well as promoting voting as a ‘social norm’, communities also instil partisan (and/or class) affiliations in their members, “for many voters electoral choice is a product of a life time of influences”[10] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn10), this process is called ‘socialisation’.
There is, as has been briefly touched upon, a socio-economic basis to participation in the electoral process, the focus being on the effects of age and social group, in regards to voter turnout. The older demographics vote in higher percentages than all other age groups, the trend being that “each new cohort of voters has tended to be less partisan that its predecessors”[11] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn11), and as we have stated the more partisan one is the more likely they are to vote. A study carried out in 2004 (Clarke et al.) found that the younger generations did not feel that voting was a “civic duty” with the same intensity other age groups did. This highlights the way that many factors overlap to create the problem of low turnout, as this apathy of the youth can be attributed to break up of communities, classes, and party bonds. The effect of social standing on voter turnout can be seen in 2001; if we split society into 3 income groups the lowest third had a 56% turnout, the middle group 59%, and the highest third had a turnout of 62%[12] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn12). This cannot be pinned on one cause, however several reasons could be considered as being behind this trend: One being the betrayal of the working classes by the Labour party, it was conceived that a left wing party could not win a general election and so in pursuit of power the Labour party dropped ‘clause 4’ and put great effort into attracting the middle class vote alienating their core support. Instead of voting Conservative this working class support did not vote, however growing working class support for the BNP may increase the percentage of working class voters in future elections. The similarity of the two major parties could create a state of apathy. Or perhaps other factors such as education and not specifically class are at the root of this trend.
Another possible hypothesis for the older generations voting in higher percentages could be the effects, or residual cultural effects, of the Second World War on the British public. The population who lived through the war would be believe, by way wartime propaganda, that democracy was worth fighting for, and so feel an obligation to vote, voting being a right so many died to protect. ‘Residual cultural effects’ were mentioned as the ‘baby-boomer’ generation would have also assumed this attitude through socialisation (from their family), and through the effects if the popular media.
The advances in standards of education and in media coverage of politics, is another thread in the web of reasons behind changing voting patterns. Increased education is meaning that the electorate can understand the political situation with greater depth than ever before, and can weigh up what party would best suit them, in contrast to the class based voting of the past. “Voting is now structured by opinions”[13] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn13)and therefore “more volatile”[14] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn14), as support moves more fluidly as the issues of the day change. The increased media coverage of the 1960 American Presidential debate was said to have given Kennedy the victory, and in the same way today ‘new’ media is having more power in helping to inform voters. Party leaders are under increased scrutiny and the personality of the leader is what increasingly attracts voters, an example of this ‘new media’ coverage would be David Cameron’s video blog. In the 2001 and 2005 elections the leader’s personalities were not so contrasting as in previous elections, and the leaders had less personal charisma and media savvy, causing a decreased intensity of support, and pushing down the turnout. The opposite of this lack of personal charisma and low turnout can be seen in the recent US election where Obama and McCain mobilized the voters in record numbers.
This increased cognition of voters could be contrived as being a factor keeping them away from the polls, with a greater understanding of the political system comes recognition of its many faults and of the relative irrationality of voting. The understanding of the political system is apathy inspiring. As afore mentioned the lack of great ideological difference between the parties may lead the younger voters to reason that no great difference will occur no matter who comes to power. The fact that since 1945 Labour and the Conservatives have consistently gained at least 85% of the vote, means some consider voting for the Liberal Democrats or another ‘third party’ to be a throw away vote, and so simply do not vote.
The British democratic system itself is a factor in the decreasing voter turnout, incentives to vote are minimal and many flaws exist within the election process. For example “the ‘first past the post’ electoral system makes voting rather pointless in seats that are safe for one of the parties”[15] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn15), in such constituencies the outcome is often obvious, and so voters can become apathetic and disenfranchised from voting, as it appears that their vote does not have the same political weight as the vote of a person in a contested constituency. The first past the post electoral system is undemocratically biased towards the two major parties, the rest of Europe (except France) uses a ‘proportional representation’ model where individual votes have more weight and smaller parties have a chance to effect proceedings breaking two party hegemony. An analysis of the 1979 election stated that “the two party system was restored in the house of commons, but not in the people”[16] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn16) giving strong connotations of dissatisfaction with the electoral process. The power of the Prime minister over MP’s means that representation is weakened yet more, as MP’s are responsible to the PM and not their own constituencies, careerism and opportunism has also blighted British politics.
It is irrational to vote, the chances of one’s vote being the deciding vote in a nationwide election are infinitesimal, it would be rational not to waste your time and money travelling to vote, and learning about the candidates and instead do something more constructive. This concept is perhaps reinforced by the poor track records of all governments in the post war era; all have been rocked by crisis, war or economic troubles, if no governments have been ‘good’ governments it would be irrational to actively condone them by participating in the voting process.
Mr Alderman believes that elections and elected leaders have diminished in importance in the modern era:
“The corporate state has arrived. Power lies with the big economic battalions [...] this does not mean elections are not important. It means rather, than elections are no longer about who governs, but about who chairs the meeting at which those with power and authority try to reach an agreement”[17] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn17)
As we have seen there are many overlapping factors behind the decreased turn out in recent elections, all of which cannot be easily solved, for example “the decline in party identification is unlikely to be reversed and this may result in future turnouts continuing to be as poor as in 2001”[18] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn18). Elections are the central pillar of representative democracy, they serve to legitimise government and drastic decreases in turnout indicate a crisis in British democracy, as “not voting is a repudiation, not merely of the party political establishment but of the constitutional framework with which the politicians operate”[19] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftn19). The British government draws it authority from the people via elections, the lower the turnout is the less representative and legitimate the government is, if not reversed this may lead to future unrest and the crisis looks only set to worsen.
Bibliography
Alderman, Geoffrey. (1978) ‘British Elections’ London: B.T. Batsford Ltd.
Butler, David & Kavanagh, Dennis. (1980) ‘The British General Election of 1979’ London: Macmillan Press Ltd.
Butler, David & Kavanagh, Dennis. (1988) ‘The British General Election of 1987’ London: Macmillan Press Ltd.
Butler, David & Kavanagh, Dennis. (1997) ‘The British General Election of 1997’ London: Macmillan Press Ltd.
Denver, David. (1994) ‘Elections and Voting Behaviour in Britain’ Hertfordshire: Harvester Wheatsheaf
Denver, David. (2003) ‘Elections and Voters in Britain’ New York: Palgrave MacMillan
Heath, Anthony. Jowell, Roger. Curtice, John. (1985) ‘How Britain Votes’ Oxford: Pergamon Press
Kavanagh, Dennis. Richards, David. Smith, Martin. Geddes, Andrew. (2006) ‘British Politics’ Oxford: Oxford University Press
----------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/elections/results
[1] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref1)Dennis Kavanagh. David Richards. Martin Smith. Andrew Geddes. ( ‘British Politics’ (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2006) 403
[2] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref2)http://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/elections/results
[3] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref3)Kavanagh (et al) ‘British Politics’ 403
[4] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref4)Kavanagh (et al) ‘British Politics’ 404
[5] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref5) David Denver. ‘Elections and Voting Behaviour in Britain’ (Hertfordshire: Harvester Wheatsheaf 1994) 41
[6] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref6) ‘Cameron still hasn’t claimed the centre ground’, (http://ukpollingreport.co.uk/blog/archives/992 (http://ukpollingreport.co.uk/blog/archives/992) June 2007)
[7] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref7)Kavanagh (et al) ‘British Politics’ 408
[8] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref8)Denver. ‘Elections and Voting Behaviour in Britain’ 63
[9] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref9)Denver. ‘Elections and Voters in Britain’ 38
[10] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref10) David Butler & Dennis Kavanagh. ‘The British General Election of 1987’ (London: Macmillan Press Ltd. 1988) 241
[11] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref11)Kavanagh (et al) ‘British Politics’ 406
[12] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref12)Denver. ‘Elections and Voters in Britain’ 41
[13] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref13)Denver. ‘Elections and Voters in Britain’ 124
[14] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref14)Kavanagh (et al) ‘British Politics’ 406
[15] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref15)Denver. ‘Elections and Voters in Britain’ 46
[16] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref16)David Butler & Dennis Kavanagh. ‘The British General Election of 1979’ (London: Macmillan Press Ltd. 1980) 390
[17] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref17) Geoffrey Alderman. ‘British Elections’ (London: B.T. Batsford Ltd. 1978) 207
[18] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref18)Denver. ‘Elections and Voters in Britain’ 47
[19] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/newthread.php?do=newthread&f=30#_ftnref19)Geoffrey Alderman. ‘British Elections’ 192